BALTIMORE, SATURDAY, FEBRUARY 1, 1812.

Printed and published by H. NILES, Water-street, near the Merchants' Coffee House, at $5. per a

Your committee have likewise examined the re Your committee further find, that the treasurer, gister of public debts, since the last settlement of in the period aforesaid, has disbursed and admitted in the treasurer's accounts, and find that he has re discount, according to law, the following sums, viz. newed certificates therof, from No. 441 to No. 440, 54,974 85 inclusive, and that the interest thereon has been conExpenses of the general assembly 69,303 08 rectly calculated.

Finances of Kentucky.

In the House of Representatives, December 7, 1811.
The speaker laid before the house a letter from
John P. Thomas, treasurer of this commonwealth,
enclosing his account of the state of the treasury,
from the 10th day of November, 1810, until the 10th
day of November, 1811; which was then taken up
and read as follows, to wit:
To the honorable the Speaker

of the house of Representatives. SIR, A law makes it my duty to report to your honorable house, on the 6th day of your session, the state of the treasury; which with pleasure I herewith enclose.

Dr.

With respect, I am, sir, your obedient servant, JOHN P. THOMAS, Treasurer. The Treasury to the State of Kentucky, November 10th, 1811-To cash in the treasury on the 10th day of November, 1810,

To cash received of Sheriffs, from the 10th day of November, 1810, to this day inclusive,

To do. received of clerks of courts the same time,

Upon which sum, the keeper is entitled to his ten per cent.-amounting to six hundred and thirty-five dollars forty cents The debts due to the penitentiary in

notes and accounts amount to

Cash in hand,
Raw materials,
Manufactured articles in hand, 1st
inst.

Amount due Treasury, as?
Deduct for bad debts,
per appropriation in 1807,

Total worth,

$13,008 21 2

717 99 0 1,526 55 8

8,033 45 5

23,286 21 5

$4,000

500

4,500 00 0

$18,786 21 J

The institution is, therefore, worth, after paying $16,112 11 5 all demands against it, eighteen thousand seven hundred and eighty six dollars, twenty one cents, five mills.

41,745 20

4,482 03

There are thirty nine convicts in confinement.
Your obedient servant,

JOHN WATKINS, A. P.

The speaker laid before the house a letter from the auditor of public accounts, exhibiting the sums drawn annually from the public treasury, for the last five years by brigade inspectors; which was then taken up, and read as follows:

Auditor's Office, December 9, 1811. SIR-Pursuant to a resolution of your house of the 7th inst. requiring of the auditor to report the amount of money drawn from the treasury for five years past, by brigade inspectors, the following report is respectfully submitted:

From November 10th, 1806, to November 10th, 1807,

From November 10th, 1887, to November 10th, 1808,

From November 10th, 1808, to November 10th, 1809,

1,500

$744.00

763 75

15 54

24 75

1,208 00

924 25

464 50

$4,201 50*

From November 10th, 1809, to November 10th, 1810,

To cash in the treasury, 10th Novem-
ber, 1811.
CONTRA
November 10th, 1811-By auditor's
warrants paid and taken in from
10th November, 1810, inclusive,
By militia certificates for Green Riv-
er land same tine,

By interest on them

By cash in the treasury 10th November, 1811

$31,106 43 5 Total amount for 5 years past,
Cr.

89,819 70

190 61
126 07

31,106 43 5

$121,212 81 5 December 9.-The speaker laid before the house a letter from the agent of the penitentiary house, containing his report of the accounts of that institution, and the number of convicts confined therein; which was then taken up and read as follows, to wit :

AGENT'S OFFICE DEC. 9th, 1811.

GEORGE MADISON, A. F. A.

Mr. Giles's Speech,

IN SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES.

December, 17, 1811.

On the motion of Mr. Anderson, to strike out the word "ten," for the purpose of inserting a smaller number of regiments, in the bill to raise an additional military force.

[CONCLUDED FROM PAGE 373.] It will appear, said Mr. Giles, from the census lately taken, that the population of the U. States is perhaps not less than seven and an half millions of souls. Now, sir, this must be a population of a most extraordinary character, and under the influence of a government of a most extraordinary Tha honorable John Sympson, organization, if it cannot command the services Speaker of the House of Representatives, of 35,000 men, upon the most extraordinary exiSIR,--This is my report concerning the peniten-gencies. But we are not without a memorable ex try. The labor performed by the convicts, homperiment upon the population and governments of the first of December, 1819, to the 1st inst. after the United States, at a former period. In 1775, deducting the price of materials, amounts to six 1776, we commenced the revolutionary war with thousand three hundred and fifty-four dollars. Great Britain, with a population, very little, if at

all, exceeding two millions of souls.* Let us see the that the senate would concur with the committez number of regular troops, not merely voted, but in opinion that the number of men recommended, actually brought into the field, and paid for their is not too great for the purposes of the government; services during the whole of that war. They are nor beyond the convenient abilities of the United as follow:-Total in pay, in 1775-27,443; 1776-States.

46,891; in 1777-34,820; 1779-27,699; 1780- Mr. G. said, he would now proceed to the tender 21,015; 1781-13,292, 1782—14,256; 1783–13,476. Jest point of this discussion-the decrepid state of These are the regular troops actually in pay, ex- the treasury department. Mr. G. said, he did not clusive of militia. think this the true standard for estimating the na

In making this comparative estimate, he was tional resources, nor energies; nor for estimating willing, in these degenerate days, to give two, nay the means necessary for repelling aggressions upon three for one, over the population of 1775 and our national rights; nor is it the one recommend1776; and it would appear, that the committee ed in the president's responsible message. But the had not drawn upon the existing population beyond honorable mover had said, it demanded and ought moderation. With a double, nay threefold popula- to receive our first attention. He complained too, tion; with more than quadrupled pecuniary re- that Mr. G. had said the objects at stake were too sources; with a capacity for furnishing munitions great for counting the costs. Mr. G. said, this of war above one hundred fold, the committee pro-was not precisely the view he had before presented posed to draw upon the existing population for of this part of the subject. The opinion he express35,000 regular troops in the whole. In 1776, there ed was, that there would be an economy in furnishwere actually in the field and paid, 46,891, regular ing means sufficient to effect your objects; that the troops, exclusive of militia. Great Britain, with costs could not be deemed excessive, which would a population of but little more than double that of ensure success; but if you dealt out your means so the United States; laboring too under a debt of sparingly as to fail of your object, it would ther more than seven hundred millions of pounds ster-[become prodigal waste and profusion of economy. King, has, at this time, in her land and naval ser- To this opinion he still adhered; and he thought vice, perhaps 300,000 men; yet an alarm seems to that never was an occasion, where the remark be produced here by a proposition to call into the would apply with more force and propriety, than service of the United States, thirty five thousand at present. The gentleman who expresses so much men. This too for repelling the aggressions of the concern for the treasury department tells us, that the same Great Britain we encountered in 1775 and gentleman at the head of that department possesses 1776; and for the same cause. Yes, sir; it is as the most splendid financial talents, &c. Mr. G. said, much a question of independence now, as it was he hoped he did; and he was not disposed to de then. It was then a question, whether Great Bri-tract aught from this impression; but he could not tain should impose a tax of three pence per pound help remarking, that he should feel more confidence on tea, when in our colonial state? It is now a in that gentleman's financial reputation, if it were question, whether Great Britain shall regulate by founded more on facts, and less on rumour and anforce the whole of our commerce, in contempt and ticipation. The honorable secretary's financial reviolation of the laws of nations, when we effect to putation was made to his hands by others. He be in an independent state? If, sir, our fathers had has had little or no share in it. He has condescended to calculate the costs of a tax of three annually given us the most lucid views of the pence on a pound of tea, compared with the costs amount and manner of revenue received at the of the war for atchieving our independence, as some treasury, which was provided by others, and the of their sons are now doing with respect to the va- manner in which it has been disbursed for the purlue of our commerce submitted to the regulation poses of the government. But this is no difficult of Great Britain, we should not now have it in task, and is no evidence of financial skill; which our power to degrade their memories, by the pro he understood to consist in the faculty of getting fligate abandonment of the independence atchieved the most money into the treasury, with the least for us by the profusion of their blood and treasure. inconvenience to the contributors. He was not And what, sir, became of the 46,891 men raised to disposed, however, to complain of this inactivity oppose Great Britain in 1776? We know they were on the part of the honorable secretary; because often compelled to fly before superior British forces, the government had never called upon him for and by the waste of the war and short enlistments, greater exertions, and perhaps had no occasion to were reduced in 1783, to 13,476. Yet we seem have made such a call, until about 3 years ago. now to be willing to fall into this same fatal error-But, sir, what does this gentiemen tell us, upon And for what? and from what cause? From ground whose splendid financial talents we all rely? That Less and visionary fears of the possible influence of the national resources are equal to all the national regular troops upon our liberties. But, sir, these exigencies. In his last report, he says, in subfears come too late. They should have come upon stance, there can be no doubt of the ability and the as long ago. It is too late to say, we are more will of the nation to furnish all the necessary sup afraid of the means of annoyance, than the enemy plies. If, then, reliance can be placed on his splen to be annoyed. We ought to have submitted long did financial talents; only give them scope for acWe have now taken the ground of resistance, tion; apply them to the national ability and will; and cannot recede! He hoped that the considera-let them perform the simple task of pointing to the tions urged the other day upon this subject, were true modus operandi: and what reason have we to sufficient to demonstrate the fallacy of these alarms, despair of the republic? What reason have we to and their unfortunate tendency in relation to the doubt of the redundance of the treasury supplies ? public welfare in the present state of our affairs. Until now, the honorable secretary has had no Upon these views of the whole subject, he trasted scope for the demonstration of his splendid finan

ago.

Icial talents. Of all the revennes receivable at the freasury, he knew of but one fund for which we are indebted to the suggestion of that gentleman. That is what is called the Mediterranean Fund; land thatis annually presented to as in a very awkward

and crooked form. But against this may be placed have been readily and zealously granted by congress the repeal of the salt tax; one of the most improvi- upon the executive request, at any moment. When dent measures ever adopted by this, or any other we were driven from that measure by the inexecution government. He presumed the secretary at least of the law, this honorable body proposed a substiyielded his assent to that measure. Mr. G. said, he tute, in his judgment, infinitely better calculaled was extremely opposed to this measure at the time to retrieve the honor and promote the interests of its adoption; had twice reported against it as the of the nation, than the embargo itself. It was chairman of a committee, to whom the subject was done too against the known and anxious opposition referred; and he believed, it was twice rejected by of the executive, acting, he believed, under the this honorable body. His single vote, he believed, same unfortunate influence. This measure consistturned the scale. He should have persevered in ed in presenting to the aggressing belligerents an his opposition, notwithstanding the popular cry impartial and honorable proposition for accommoraised at the time; but he yielded at length to an dation; and in the event of its rejection, to issue imposing claim urged on him by many members of letters of marque and reprisal against the refusing the house of representatives-that the house of re-nation. This measure was so strongly and obvious. presentatives was peculiarly entrusted by the consti-ly recommended by the peculiar circumstances untution with the power of raising revenue; and it der which we were coercively placed by both the could hardly be considered as correct in a single belligerents, that he was astonished at the anxious individual of the other branch of the legislatore, opposition it received; and to the success of that to put his vote to a measure in relation to revenue, opposition, after the embargo was abandoned, may which was recommended by so large a majority of clearly be traced all our present suferings and dethat branch, to whose discretion all subjects of re-gradations. Both the belligerents had determined venue were entrusted in a peculiar manner. To that we should be no longer neutral; and had adoptthis claim, and the very high respect he entertained ed the most injurious measures in relation to us, to for the house of representatives, he yielded a reluc- coerce us into the war; each urging us to war against tant consent, upon condition that the repeal should its enemy. What was the proper and manly reply be postponed until one month after the meeting of to these aggressing nations? Here is a proposition the next session of congress; and that the house of of accommodation to each of you; if either accepts, representatives would again review and consider we pledge ourselves to issue letters of marque and the subject. The month elapsed without re-enact reprisal against the other, it refusing the accommo ing the law, and the tax ceased. Mr. G. said, he dation. This was the very situation in which each never gave a vote more against the convictions of wished to place us against its enemy; and of course his own judgment than he did on that occasion, al both would probably have accepted the proposition; though the motive was one which he conceived one or other certainly would; and if the acceptance ought to exempt him from censure. If gentlemen of one before the other, would have produced a state will now multiply the product of that tax, by the of hostilities against that other, it would have been number of years since it was taken off, they would of very short continuance; because neither of them find, it would have produced all the sums which would find any interest in a war against us; and have since been called for by loans, provided no cach wished us to take part in the war, not against greater expenditures had been incurred by the itself, but against its enemy; and perhaps the accogovernment than have taken place. Besides, the modation would not be the less durable for having diminution of treasury funds, it has had the most been sealed with blood. This measure was not op baneful influence upon the salt works, which had posed upon its intrinsic merits or demerits; but it been established under its protection, and which required to be backed with other measures of prewould, under the influence of the same protection, paration and expense: and hence the real cause of in a very short time, have rendered us independent its failure. The practical understanding of the reof foreign nations for the supply of this article of jection of this measure, both at home and abroad, the first necessity. He was not disposed, however, was submission to the belligerent aggressions: or in on these accounts, to distrust the splendid financial other words, notwithstanding all our previous patalents of the honorable secretary; although can-triotic speeches and resolutions, we were determindour compelled him to acknowledge, that he should ed not to resist by force. And what has been the feel more confidence in them, if it were not for the result of this conviction on the part of the belligerunwillingness evidently manifested by that gentle-ents, of submission on our part? Great Britain man himself, during the last three years, in afford- immediately disavowed an arrangement made by Mr. ing their usefulness to the government, in times Erskine, under the influence of instructions given which imperiously demanded their full and prompt under a contrary conviction; a conviction producexertions ed by the measures of this body, and by a report Mr. G. said the recession of the treasury depart. made by a gentleman, then a member of the house ment, from the trying difficulties of the nation dur- of representatives, and whom I now see with plea ing that period, must be evident to every impartial sure on this floor, and a resolution adopted in con observer: and he believed he was acquainted with sequence of that report. This resolution declared circumstances, which amounted to a knowledge, our determination to resist the belligerent aggresthat all the measures which have dishonored the na-sions, with only two dissentient votes. The meation during the same time, are, in a great degree, sures of this house, without any declaration, were attributable to the indisposition of the late and pre-calculated to produce the same conviction. In this sent administration to press on the treasury depart-state of things Mr. Erskine received his instructions, ment, and to disturb the popularity and repose of and a satisfactory arrangement with Great Britain the gentleman at the head of it. That the inexecu was the consequence; but the moment G. Britain tion of the embargo is properly attributable to that found we had receded from our own ground, and cause, he had no doubt; and notwithstanding all falsified our professions, she disavowed the arrangethe clamor upon that subject, its inexecution proment, and now perseveres in hostile inflexibility.— duced its repeal. The executive refused to incur How did France act, upon being apprised of this the expense, and accept the means necessary for its improvident and fatal recession? Her emperor imeffectual execution; which, he believed, would' diately seized and confiscated all your property with

in his control; and his minister officially told us, this fatal error, and is determined to retrieve it ;that he would have expected something more from but, he was sorry to observe, with measures as ins a Jamaica assembly! It is not to be presumed that efficient upon the principle of resistance by force, Great Britain and France acted in concert upon s were commercial restrictions, in a substitution this unfortunate occasion; and therefore the ana of that principle. And when we look for the causes logous conduct of each, must be proof positive of of this deplosable inefficiency, they resolve themthe practical understanding and effect of our depre-selves, as heretofore, into tenderness for the trea cated recession. It was a declaration of submission sury department, &c.

as far as submission consists in refusing resistance Mr. Giles said, that whilst upon this most unpleaby force.* The government seems now sensible of sant part of the subject, he wished to be indulged in a few observations upon the state of our public *NOTE.-Observe the chronological statement of debt; because this subject, in the hands of a skilful the following facts, and mark the obvious course of financier, had been the most efficient weapon for cause and effect. beating down all the measures, which he believed House of representatives, U. S. Dec. 13, 1808. The question was taken on agreeing to the following words: " and to cause to be issued, under suitable resolution, to wit: pledges and precautions, letters of marque and repri Resolved, that the United States cannot without sal against the nation thereafter continuing in force a sacrifice of their rights, honor and independence, its unlawful edicts against the commerce of the United

66

submit to the late edicts of G. Britain and France." States,"
And resolved in the affirmative as follows; yeas
118; nays 2;

It was resolved in the affirmative as follows: yeas 74; nays 33:

YEAS-Messrs. Alexander, W. Alston, L. Als- YEAS-Messrs. Alexander, W. Alaton, Bacon, ton, Bacon, Bard, Barker, Bassett, Blackledge, Barker, Bibb, Blackledge, Blake, Blount, Boyd, Blake, Blount, Boyd, Boyle, Brown, Burwell, Butler, Champion, Cook, Culpepper, Dana, Durell, Butler, Calhoun, G. W. Campbell, Champion, Elliot, Ely, Eppes, Findley, Franklin, Garnett, Chittenden, Clay, Clopton, Culpepper, Cutts, Gholson, Goodwin, Harris, Helms, Humphreys, Davenport, Dawson, Deane, Desha, Durell, Elliot, Lley, R. S. Jackson, Jones, Kelly, Kenan, LamEly, Findley, Fisk, Franklin, Gardner, Garnett, bert, Lewis, Livermore, Lloyd, Lyon, Macon, Gholson, Goodwin, Gray, Green, Harris, Heis- Marion, Masters, Milnor, Jao. Morrow, Moseley, ter, Helms, Holland, Holmes, Howard, Hum-Mumford, Newbold, Pugh, Quincy, Randolph, phreys, Ilsley, J. G. Jackson, R. S. Jackson. Riker, Rowan, Sloan, J. K. Smith, S. Smith, Jenkins, Johnson, Jones, Kelly, Kenan, Key, Southard, Stanford, Stedman, Storer, Sturges, Kirkpatrick, Lambert, Lewis, Lloyd, Love, Ma-Swart, Taggart, Tallmadge, Thompson, Upham, eon, Marion, Masters, M-Creery, Milnor, D. Van Allen, Van Cortlandt, Van Dyke, Van Rensse Montgomery, J. Montgomery, N. R. Moore, T. lear, Verplanck, Whitehill, Wilbour, Williams, Moore, Jer. Morrow, Jno. Morrow, Moseley, Wilson-74.

Mumford, Nelson, Newbold, Newton, Nicholas, NAYS-Messrs, Bard, Bassett, Boyle, Brown,
Pitkin, Porter, Quincy, Randolph, Rea, Rhea, Calhoun, Clay, Cutts, Deane, Desha, Fisk, Green,
J. Richards, M. Richards, Russell, Say, Seaver, Holland, Holmes, Johnson, Love, M'Creery, J.
Shaw, Sloan, Smelt, Smilie, J. K. Smith, J. Montgomery, N. R. Moore, T. Moore, Newton,
Sunith, Southard, Stanford, Stedman, Storer, Nicholas, Porter, Rea, Rhea, J. Richards, M.
Sturges, Taggart, Tallmadge, Taylor, Thompson, Richards, Say, Seaver, Smilie, J. Smith, Taylor,
Trigg, Troup, Upham, Van Allen, Van Cortlandt, Wilson, Winn-38.
Van Horn, Van Rensselear, Verplanck, Wharton,
Whitehill, Wilbour, Williams, A. Wilson, N. Wil
son, Winn-118.

NAYS-Messrs. Gardenier, Hoge-2.

In Senate, Feb. 28, 1809.-The senate proceeded to consider the amendments of the house of representatives to the bill entitled "An act to interdict the commercial intercourse between the United States and Great Britain and France and their dependencies, and for other purposes."

Senate of the U. S. Feb. 20, 1809.—The bill «to interdict the commercial intercourse between the United States and Great Britain and France, and On the question to agree to the amendment of the their dependencies, and for other purposes," was 11th section, as follows: strike out the words, “And read the sesond time, and considered as in com-to cause to be issued, under suitable pledges and mittee of the whole; and the president reported the precautions, letters of marque and reprisal against bill to the honse amended. the nation thereafter continuing in force its unlawful edicts against the commerce of the United States."

On motion by Mr. Reed, to strike out of the 11th section, the following words: "And to cause to be issued, under suitable pledges and precautions, letters of marque and reprisal, against the nation thereafter continuing in force its unlawful edicts against the commerce of the United States."

It was determined in the negative, as follows; yeas 11-nays 14:

YEAS. Messrs. Condit, Franklin, Gilman, Goodrich, Hillhouse, Lloyd, Mathewson, Parker, Pickering, Reed, Sumpter-11.

It was determined in the affirmative, as follows; yeas 17; nays 14.

YEAS-Messrs. Anderson, Bayard, Bradley, Condit, Franklin, Gregg, Howland, Kichel, Mathewson, Meigs, Mitchill, Parker, Pope, Reed, Sumpter, Tiffin, White-17.

NAYS-Messrs. Gaillard, Giles, Gilman, Goodrich, Hillhouse, Leib, Lloyd, Milledge, Moore, Pickering, Smith, Md. Smith, N. Y. Smith, Ten. Turner-14.

NAYS.-Messrs. Anderson, Crawford, Gaillard, Giles, Gregg, Howland, Milledge, Moore, Robin- Mr. Erskine's instructions were given on the 23d son, Smith, Md. Smith, N. Y. Smith, Ten. Tiffin, of January, 1809, and his arrangement proclaimed Turner-14. by the president of the United States on the 19th of House of Representatives U. S. Feb. 24, 1809.-On April, 1809. This arrangement was disavowed by the question, that the house do concur with the the British government on the 24th of May, 1869. committee of the whole in striking out of the 11th The French Rambouillet decree took place on section of the above-mentioned bill, the following the 23d March, 1810.