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that even for public purposes the house had been too ready to interfere with private pro perty; but in all these instances it should be remembered that a full compensation had been made to the persons interested,

parishioners, and in none had the clergy made he full demand complained of, but on the conrary contented themselves with 1s., Is. 6d., and in a few instances 1s. 9d. in the pound. Wherever the demand of 2s. 9d. had been made, was done by lay impropriators. So that beween the clergy and their flocks there prevail-upon the trial to which the hon. member (Mr. ed that good understanding which did not require the interposition of the legislature. Besides, he thought that any compulsory reduction of tithe would only have the effect of raising he rent pro tanto upon the tenant, without savng the inhabitants from payment of the addiional sum.

Mr. Alderman Wood remarked that the observation of the rt. hon. gent, respecting the advance of rent, did not apply to the generality of tenants in London, for they mostly held long teases, and would of course immediately profit from being released from this exorbitant demand, which, considering the amount they paid, far exceeding other parts of the country, was an excessive grievance.

Mr. Calcraft said he had been informed, that Courtenay) alluded, the enrolment had not been brought into question. He agreed that it was of the deepest importance to preserve the rights of property, and to maintain old and settled decisions. In the case of the fire of London, the parliament had dealt with the property of the church for the benefit of churchmen; he thought, therefore, that they might now do so for the relief of the parish. Last year he had carried bill providing a compensation for the rector of St. Andrew's, Holborn, and having the concur rence of the Duchess of Buccleuch, and the Bishop of London, he had experienced no diffi culty. He wished for the trial of an issue, for the purpose of ascertaining the question of the enrolment, upon which the whole subject turned, and which would put an end to all liti gation.

Mr. Courtenay explained, and referred to the report of the case tried in 1647, by which it appeared that the question of enrolment had been raised, and decided in the affirmative.

TUESDAY, MAY 17.-Mr. Alderman Wood moved the second reading of the London Tithe bill. He said it appeared to the promoters of this measure, that it would be highly desirable to have an examination into the merits of the subject before a committee of the house. The Mr. Peel could not but suspect that this bill parish was willing to leave the question to be had been drawn by the hon. Alderman (Wood) decided by any individual; or, if the Lord Chan- himself. At the period of the act the clergy cellor would send it for trial by a jury, they made the same complaint as they did now, that would be content with that; but they resisted" the citizens for their present riches were very the enormous claim made by the rector for payment of tithes under a deed, the enrolment of which could not be proved, according to the provisions of the statute of Henry VIII.

stout, and would not pay." The act had been passed in consequence; and now the citizens of the present day, not less stout nor more willing to pay than those of Henry VIII.'s time (a laugh), came down, backed by the hon. al derman, and asked the house to violate the rights of private property. During the present session an amicable arrangement had been made between the rector of the parish of Bishopsgate (now the Bishop of Chester) and his parishioners. He was willing that every thing which was practicable should be done to effect such arrangements wherever similar disputes existed, but he opposed a bill which, like the present, attacked private rights.

Mr. Alderman Wood said, that the measure before the house had not been resorted to until all means of obtaining the trial of an issue had been attempted and failed.

Mr. Courtenay thought this was an extraordinary attempt to interfere with the rights of individuals. By an act of the 37th Henry VIII. it was enacted, that a decree therein mentioned should be enrolled. By that decree a rate of 2s. 9d. in the pound was made payable to the persons entitled to tithes, by the inhabitants of certain parishes in the city of London, included in that act. From that period to the present these tithes had been dealt with by the persons entitled to them as they would have dealt with rent-charges, or any other property to which their title was unquestionable. With respect to the enrolment, the evidence of presumption with respect to an event which took place 300 years ago would be admitted in this as it must in every other case. In the year 1647, an issue was tried, in which the question of the enrol- MONDAY, JUNE 6.-Mr. Calcraft moved the ment bad arisen, and the jury upon that occa-order of the day for the second reading of the sion found that the decree had been duly enrolled. Would the house, after this finding, entertain a bill, the preamble of which set forth the assumption that there had been no such enrolment (hear, hear)? He hoped that such an infringement on private property would not receive the sanction of the legislature, and that the parties would not be put to the expense of going into a committee.

Mr. Wynn opposed the bill, because the principle upon which it was founded might be applied to shake the possession of all the private property throughout the kingdom. If the decision in the Court of Chancery or elsewhere had been wrong, let an appeal be brought to the House of Lords, but he would not consent that the doors of this house should be opened to an attempt like that which was made by the persons promoting this bill. He had often thought

The bill was rejected without a division.

St. Olave (Hart Street) Tithe bill. This was a bill to settle the disputes, which had so frequently occurred in the parish, with respect to the amount of the tithe. When the present incumbent came to the living, the tithes did not exceed 2501. They had since been gradually improved until they amounted to the enormous sum of 22001. By the present bill it was proposed to settle a fixed sum of 18001. a-year on the incumbent now in possession, and with such provision he was satisfied. The patrons and parishioners were satisfied; but a difference had arisen as to what should be the sum to be paid to the future incumbent. The parishioners agreed to give him the sum of 12001. a-year, but the Bishop of London wished to have it fixed at 13501. Now, when it was considered that the parish consisted of only 175 dwelling-houses, and that the chief duty was performed by a cu

rate, at a salary of 1001. a-year, he thought 12001, a-year a very liberal allowance. However, if the bill were allowed to go into a committee, some satisfactory arrangements might be made on that subject. The hon. member then went on to contend at some length that the sum of 2s. 9d. in the pound was much too great to be demanded for tithe, and particularly objected to it on the ground that the decree under which it was claimed had never been enrolled, and therefore was not valid in law.

Dr. Phillimore objected to the bill, on the ground that under the name of a private bill it was a direct spoliation of private property. The decree under which this tithe was claimed had been enrolled and acted upon in many instances, and was binding, as it was meant to be, on all those parishes to which it stated itself to apply.

Mr. Denman supported the bill, and contended that the decree of Henry VIII. had never been enrolled-that in the commissions and arbitrations under Edward VI. and James and Charles II. for regulating the tithe in several parishes in London, the decree was not even mentioned, which it undoubtedly would have been if it were considered to be in force | at the time.

Mr. Peel thought that as the matter involved a grave consideration of law, it ought to be left to the Court of King's Bench, instead of being considered in Parliament, where it might introduce a most dangerous precedent of interference in private property. The arrangement proposed by the parish might be liberal; but as it was permanently to affect the property of the church, the consent of the Bishop of London ought at least to be obtained for the compromise. At all events, he thought the subject had better be considered in the Court of King's Bench than in the House of Commons, unless they meant to set a bad precedent, which would apply as well to the Duke of Bedford's toll in Covent-garden as to the party in this case. The parties might arrange a bill next session better adapted for the purpose.

Mr. Calcraft begged the house to recollect, that the whole business for which the parish was willing to pay 1,8001 a-year was performed by one curate for 1001. (loud cries of hear); that it was the cause of parish disputes, which had kept the parishioners from attendance at the church, and that this bill would heal them all.

The house divided, when the numbers were, for the second reading of the bill, 55.-Against it, 36.-Majority for the second reading, 19.

PUBLIC INSTRUCTION.
Universities' Police Bill.

MONDAY, JUNE 20.-On the report of the Universities' Police bill, a conversation ensued on the clause for enabling constables to arrest, and the magistrates of the University to imprison, for one month, any prostitute or lewd woman, found walking in the streets of Oxford or Cambridge, who could not give a good account of herself.

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On the motion, "That these amendments be now read a second time,"

Mr. J. Williams moved, that the words" this day six months" be inserted, instead of the word" now."

The amendment was negatived without a division.

Mr. J. Williams then moved as an amendment, that the words "not giving a good account of themselves," be omitted, for the purpose of inserting "behaving themselves in a riotous and disorderly manner."

For the original clause, 37.—Against it, 9.— Majority 28.

The bill was ordered to be read a third time to-morrow (and was then passed).

LORDS, MONDAY, JUNE 27.-The Earl of Shaftsbury moved the third reading of the Universities' Police bill, which, being carried, be moved that the bill should pass.

The Earl of Lauderdale opposed the bill, and more particularly the clause which enacted, that any prostitute found wandering about should be deemed a disorderly person, and should be liable to be punished as a vagrant. But who, under this provision at once vague, unjust and cruel, was to determine who should be deemed a common prostitute? Under that pretext, any woman who happened to be walking in the public walks might be apprehended. His own wife might go strolling about from curiosity, and if taken up, not like, or from fright might be unable to say, who she was. He should move that the clause be omitted.

The Lord Chancellor defended the clause, which he considered necessary. In his time, although it might be otherwise now, the young men were not allowed to wander about.

Lord Lauderdale moved that the word "wandering" be left out, and the words "acting in a disorderly manner" be substituted in its stead For the amendment, 13.—Against it, 8.—Majority, 5.

London University.

COMMONS, THURSDAY, MAY 26-Mr. Brougham moved to bring in a bill to enable certain persons to establish a college or university in the city of London. The object of this university was to bring the advantage of liberal education within the reach of those who could not afford to send their children to Oxford or Cambridge. He assured the house that it was not the intention of the promoters of this bill to throw the slightest imputation on the conduct, the acquirements, the capacity, the talents, or the principles of those who presided in those two learned establishments. That was so fer from being the case, that many of the promoters of this bill were distinguished ornaments of the two Universities.

Mr. Peel understanding that no discussion at present was to take place, merely rose to guard against the probability of his being supposed to favour the bill, because he had not opposed it in his present stage.

Mr. Brougham said, he should be surprised if Mr. J. Williams, Sir F. Burdett, Mr. Aber- any opposition were made to a bill of which crombie, Mr. Hume, and Mr. Monck, opposed the sole object was to put education within the the clause, as giving too great a power to con- reach of the middling classes of society, with etables. Mr. Peel, Dr. Phillimore, and the So- out paying 2501. or 3001, a year for each of their licitor-General supported it, as conducive to the children at the Universities. He wished to interest of education and morality in the Uni-enable the middle classes to procure that eduversities. cation at a cheaper rate, which their servants,

Leave was then given to bring in the bill.

their shoemakers, their farriers, and their black-such a purpose. Theology was the only branch smiths were now getting almost for nothing at of education not included in the plan. It was the different institutions which had recently been proposed that the government of the college erected for their instruction. should be vested in a governor, or chairman, or some such officer, and 19 other directors, with other proper officers, to whom the discipline of the college was to be intrusted. He hoped this explanation would remove the many mistakes which were felt respecting the bill which he meant to bring in hereafter.

formerly, persons of their rank never thought of taking any but honorary degrees. A great many foolish notions had got abroad about the idleness and dissipation of the Universities; but the specimens of science and learning which those venerable institutions had sent forth, within the last 40 years, were their best apologies. He felt sure that all the liberal views of his learned friend must fail, without a species of discipline which could not be attained in London."

The order was then discharged.

Tax on Newspapers, &c.

FRIDAY, JUNE 3.- Mr. Brougham moved for leave to withdraw his bill, with the intention of bringing it forward as a private bill. The alteration had become necessary, owing to certain regulations of the house. As Mr. M. A. Taylor defended the system of great misapprehensions had gone forth respect- education at Oxford, with which he had been ing the measure, he should explain both what it for more than 40 years acquainted, and insisted was not and what it really was. In the first that they had made the utmost strides to implace, the object of the bill was to incorporate prove it, according to the growing lights of the a company, with power to sue and be sued, to times. He was in the habit of going to Oxford, hold lands and issue shares, and make such exe- | and he knew that the discipline of the young cutive arrangements as the case required. It men was unexampled, and could not be exceed would exonerate no individual from the common ed. Indeed, every thing was done, which disresponsibility for the whole of the company's cipline, science, and literature could accomdebts. The promoters of it had no intention of plish. Habits of reading and study, formerly applying for exclusive privileges; of creating unknown, were established in the colleges. fellowships; conferring degrees or honours; of Noblemen and gentlemen of rank now comwhich the two Universities were now in posses-monly took real degrees of M. A.; whereas, sion. The plain object was, to enable thousands of persons in London, who could not, from many causes, give their children a college education, to educate their families in the only way which accorded with their habits and situation of life. The expense of a University education put it quite out of most men's reach. It could not be had at Oxford or Cambridge, on the lowest estimate, for less than 2001. a-year; without including collateral expenses, which often involved worse than mere pecuniary | consequences in their train. He spoke from the very highest authority when he declared that the expense and dissipation at the two 'Universities was so great, that if not checked, it bid fair to injure those learned bodies. To such a pitch had this system been carried, that great pains were being taken to check it. He understood, too, that other great improvements were in progress at both. In fact, that classical studies were more attended to at Cambridge, and the severer sciences at Oxford-a change beneficial to both.-The object of this bill was to enable the people of this metropolis to bring home a good and cheap system of education to their own doors. According to the plan proposed, their children might have the benefit of lectures on the sciences, literature, and the arts, for about 101. a-year, instead of 1801. or 2001. In these branches it was not intended that the professors should have sinecures, for their general salaries were not to exceed from 801. to 1001. a-year, except in the particular case of the Oriental professorship, and perhaps one other: they were mainly to depend upon the success of the school. They were not to have houses, or take boarders. One great result of this new college would be, the formation, on cheap terms, of a good medical school. All experience had shown that this could only be had in the vicinity of large hospitals. Such schools might be had perhaps in Liverpool, Bristol, or Manchester, but in London only could means be found of rendering one generally useful. The importance of medical schools was no less felt in civil society than in the navy and army. In this establishment there was to be no religious test, nor any theological professorship; it being considered that the two great Universities, and the seminaries for the religious education of dissenters, were better adapted for

THURSDAY, JUNE 2.-Mr. Brougham presented a petition from a bookseller of the name of Gifford, of Paternoster-Row, praying that the house would give greater means of circulation to cheap publications on science, philosophy, and literature, by diminishing the duty on printing paper-by reducing the tax on advertisements-by lowering the exorbitant duty on newspapers, and by allowing periodical publications to be conveyed by the post to all parts of the empire, on payment of a moderate sum for postage, not exceeding in any case, the amount of 25 per cent, on the value of the article transmitted.—Ordered to be printed.

The Chancellor of the Exchequer having moved the order of the day for receiving the report upon the Newspapers' bill,

Mr. Hume wished to submit one alteration which he conceived would prove highly beneficial to the country. The bill reduced the duty upon Supplements to newspapers containing nothing but advertisements, from 34d. to 2d. and he wished to reduce the whole duty to the same sum. He wished the house to consider the great injustice the present high duty did to all who advertised, and to the commercial interest generally, by diminishing the number of papers circulated. The stamp duty at present upon each paper was 4d. which was reduced by discount to 34d. rather more than the half price of the entire paper. In 1814 an additional duty of one penny had been laid on, but by the returns upon the table, it would be seen that so far from this increase of duty occasioning any increase of revenue, the revenue, !

considering all the circumstances of the country, had since that period, diminished. From 1806 to 1814, the increase in newspaper revenue had amounted to 326,0001.; but in the year 1815, when the duty was raised, the amount of increase was only 4,0001. in the whole nine succeeding years, instead of being 10,0001. if the increase of revenue had been in ratio to the augmentation of the tax. This was a remarkable instance of an increase of tax occasioning, not an increase of revenue, but a decrease of consumption. It was necessary for the dissemination of information, that there should exist a number of newspapers, and the plan which he recommended would have the effect of greatly facilitating the distribution of that information. By reducing the duty on Supplements, they would benefit two or three papers only, without at all relieving the others. He called upon the rt. hon. gent. to look at the effect which the reduction he (Mr. Hume) proposed would have upon advertisements of commercial sales. He would instance the cases of Liverpool and Philadelphia. The commerce of the former place was six times greater than that of the latter, and yet the number of newspapers in Philadelphia was six times greater than that in Liverpool. In America, some small charge, perhaps 6d. was paid for each advertisement, and the paper itself cost three half-pence, and yet the number of advertisements published in Philadelphia alone was 70 times greater than the number published in Liverpool. If the duty were reduced to 1s., so that an advertisement might be inserted at 28. or 3s. instead of 6s. or 7s. as at present, the increase in the number both of papers and advertisements would more than make up the deficiency. He approved of that part of the bill which did away with any limit to the size of the sheet. But why make a half-measure of it? Why not at once adopt his plan, when it was clear that it would in no way diminish the revenue? If the right hon. gent. would only adopt his plan for one year, he would guarantee him against any loss (a laugh). If he would only try it for a single year, and it was not then found effective, then he (Mr. Home) would assent to any alteration which the right hon. gent, should think fit to propose. He concluded by moving, as an amendment, that the word Supplement" be omitted in the first esolution, for the purpose of reducing the stamp on all newspapers to 2d.

On the question being put,

The Chancellor of the Exchequer said, that if he were about to sell an estate, he should not for a moment object to the hon. member's guarantee, but where half a million of public revenue was at stake, he must excuse him if he looked for some greater security. Besides, the newspapers were satisfied with the proposed regulation. The hon. member, however, objected, that lessening the duty on Supplements would benefit only a few, and was an injustice to the other papers. To this he answered, that he lessened a particular duty upon those who were obliged to pay it, and this surely could be no hardship upon persons not subject to that duty. When he considered the variety of taxes they had dealt with during the session, and the number of reductions which had been made; and when he considered, that he had had a nibble at the newspaper duty also, he could not at present consent to any further reductions. As

to the dread of any dearth of newspapers, that did not strike him as very probable. Scarcely a week elapsed in which he did not receive specimens of new papers which came out with a brilliant prospectus, promising the highest advantages in the way of information, and soliciting his patronage. He had not yet given it: but this would seem to show that the appetite for that species of amusement-or intelligence, if the hon. gent. would have it so--was not likely to be stinted by the smallness of the provision; there were abundant means for gratifying it at all times. He must, therefore, under these circumstances, decline acceding to the amendment.

The amendment was then put and negatived, and the orginal resolutions agreed to.

PUBLIC HEALTH.
Quarantine Laws.

WEDNESDAY, MARCH 30.-On the motion that the Quarantine Laws bill be read a second time, Mr. J. Smith said that he considered the provisions of this bill to be highly useful, and was only sorry that the Board of Trade had not thought it right to recommend still further alterations in the quarantine laws. He was of opinion, that more might have been done with safety. Dr. Maclean, who had had greater opportunities for examining the nature of the plague than any man living, had declared it not to be contagious; and had likewise stated that the question was not so much a question of science as a question of fact, on which any man, who was in the habit of weighing testimony, was qualified to decide. It had been believed in England for many years, that the contagion of the plague was capable of being conveyed in clothing and in goods from one country to another, and that cotton, either in a raw or manufactured state, was the medium by which it was most easily conveyed. Now, he was able to state as a matter of fact, that there never had been an instance of the contagion of fever being conveyed by clothing or goods of any kind. He might urge as a proof of this position, that Holland, which of all our commercial rivals traded most to those parts of the world in which the plague was prevalent, had never thought it requisite to enact any laws of this kind; and what was called quarantine in Holland amounted to nothing, as it never extended to more than three or four days' duration. He had a document in his hand, which showed that a vessel, which had arrived at Amsterdam or some other port of Holland with an unsound bril of health, was permitted to discharge her cargo within three or four days after her arrival. As far, therefore, as the example of Holland went, it was evident that no danger had arisen from the importation of goods from countries visited by the plague. He would mention another fact, which could not be disputed. There was no instance of any inspector of the lazarettos having any fever since their existence in this country. Mr. Turnbull, our Consul at Marseilles, had informed him, that though the coast of France in his neighbourhood was peculiarly liable to contagion, supposing contagion to exist, and though vessels were almost daily arriving at Marseilles from the plague countries, there was no instance of any expurgator having taken the plague since the year 1729. In that year an individual,

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and decided opinions was not properly under-
stood; and his reason for making that state-
ment was, a hope that the moment would be
hastened by it when their former inquiries
might be reviewed and brought to a satisfac-
tory conclusion. The existing system of qua-
rantine law, unless justified by necessity,
could be justified by no other reason.
was prejudicial to the best interests of the
country; it obstructed commerce; it impeded
science; it was injurious to those who travell-
ed either for business or for pleasure: it was
connected with many superstitious feelings;
and in regard to the increasing commerce we
were now carrying on with Egypt, it would be
utterly destroyed, if some alterations were not
made in our quarantine regulations. Since
1819, many medical men had changed their
opinions on the doctrine of contagion. Dr.
Maclean had made many converts, notwith-

as

who was opening a bale of cotton, suddenly fered from the first in this important particular dropped down dead. It was said that the con- -that on the first none but contagionists had tagion was so strong that it killed him imme- been examined, whilst on the second the antidiately but the circumstance admitted of a contagionists, if he might use such an expresmore natural explanation; it was probable that sion, were also allowed to be heard. There the man had died in a fit of apoplexy. With re- was this remarkable circumstance in the evigard to other lazarettos, it was not in his power dence of the contagionists,-they agreed with to make the same inquiries, but he had little wonderful unanimity as to the existence of condoubt that if they were made, they would be at-tagion, but differed most miraculously in their tended by similar results. It was stated by account of its nature and causes. The inference Dr. Maclean and other gentlemen acquainted which he drew from that circumstance waswith the affairs of Turkey, that at Constanti-that the question on which they gave such round nople, when thousands of victims were dying of the plague, their clothes were regularly sold, and worn with impunity by the purchasers in the public market. At Aleppo, the plague was often prevalent. From that city caravans passed with goods into almost every part of Asia. There was no instance on record of the plague ever having been communicated by means of those caravans. There was also considerable intercourse between Turkey and Persia; and though the former country was often a sufferer from the plague, that horrible visitant had never made its appearance in Persia. Looking, then, at these facts, he would ask the house to consider whether no better cause than contagion could be found for the diffusion of the plague. Many doubted whether the disease which ravaged London in 1665 were the plague or not. Yet, even if were the plague, it might be-accounted for by the mode of living which at that time prevailed in Eng-standing the professional jealousy by which he land. They knew that in the reign of Elizabeth her presence-chamber was strewed with rushes, and that the usual diet of the ladies of her household was salt fish, hung beef, &c. From such circumstances it might be easy to conjecture what the habits and diet of the common people would be in little more than half a century afterwards: and under such habits and such a diet, coupled with the want of cleanliness and want of room which then existed in London, it could not be surprising that a fever, with all the appearance of plague, should have sprung up and diffused itself widely. Now, let them apply these circumstances to the inhabitants of Smyrna, and the other towns on the coast of Asia Minor. In those places the same want of cleanliness, the same disregard of wholesome habits, the same carelessness about diet, now prevailed as had formerly prevailed in London, and were in themselves sufficient to account for the prevalence of the plague among them. It was curious to observe that the manner in which the plague arose and disappeared was perfectly consistent with these causes. It generally broke out in the poorest and most confined parts of the town, in sultry weather, and began to disappear as the heat decreased. Indeed, if it were not dependent upon such cause, it was evident that the plague, supposing it to be contagious, must long since have depopulated the globe. In 1811, a committee was appointed to examine into the state of the quarantine laws, and that committee determined, with only one dissentient voice, that the plague was contagious. In looking over the evidence appended to the reports, he found that the physicians examined before it, were all, with two or three exceptions, in favour of that doctrine; and he believed that it was upon the opinions expressed by the physicians that the committee formed the report which they afterwards submitted to the house. Since that time another investigation had been instituted into the subject, and the last investigation dif

was originally assailed. Dr. Armstrong, who was more conversant with cases of fever than any other physician in the metropolis, stated, that not a year elapsed in, which he did not visit some hundred cases of typhus fever, that the symptoms of it were the same those of the plague in Egypt, and yet in no instance had he ever suffered by the contagion. It was the knowledge of these facts that led him, (Mr. S.) to express his regret that Government had not gone further in their improvement of the quarantine system than it had done. At the same time he must mention a fact, which he considered as highly creditable to Government. A vessel had arrived at Liverpool with a foul bill of health. According to the quarantine regulations, it ought to have remained fifty or sixty days without unloading its cargo. Now this foul bill of health had not arisen from any of the sailors having been sick on the voyage, but from a single old woman having died of fever, which some people called the plague, at the place from which this ship sailed. That circumstance made all the ships foul which sailed from the place, and the consequence was, that several of them, which had cargoes on board, did not sail at all. The vessel in question had, however, come to England, and on its owners making a suitable representation to the proper quarter, had been allowed to unload, and had since sailed on another voyage. He thought that the Government had acted very wisely in dispensing with the regulations upon that occasion, and he trusted that they would not hesitate to exercise a similar discretion whenever similar facts should seem to require it.

Mr. Wallace admitted that those individuals who were formerly most convinced of the existence of contagion, were now much inclined to doubt the correctness of their opinions. Still there were considerable difficulties to be overcome before a conclusion could be arrived at, like that at which the hon. member wished to

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