this part of the bill. Why have 101., it was him, he sympathised in the moderation and asked? The question might as well be put-dignified calmness evinced by this wise and why have 157., or 201., or 301.?-and put with prudent statesman. The balance of the conequal sense. It was said that this qualifica- stitution was above all things to be equally tion would open a wide field for bribery and maintained. That balance now suffered by corruption. That he stoutly denied; and the the Lords possessing too much of the influence instances of popular elections already existing of the State, and encroaching on the people; in the country could be pointed out as the best but it might be deranged by the people answer to the allegation; and the fact demon- stepping beyond their limits, and unwarrantstrated, that it was from these places the most ably encroaching on the Lords. He claimed able and honest members were returned for the peers a great and holy function in the (cheers). It was said, "raise the qualifica- state, and he cared not by what name they tion to 157."-that was a very small addition, might be called-by what comparison they and would make very little difference. He might be figured forth-call them a dragwould not enter into any discussion about the chain if they would; but even a drag-chain relative proportion of small sums to greater was useful, and might prevent the vehicle or the evil that such small sums might effect from overturning in its impetuosity. He would when taken in certain views; threepence was resist anything that could by possibility weakcounted a small sum; but the imposition of en the efficiency and influence of the peerage. threepence on the pound of tea lost to this Another reason why he was averse to a creacountry the empire of America (cheers). Cut tion of peers was, that it would increase their off the 101. voters in this very place, and you number. If they inade a peer, they made an lose more than one-third of those who would honourable family; and when they made an otherwise get the franchise. If you make it 157. honourable family, they made persons who the franchise will be lost to 2,500 men. If you might eventually have to be supported by the raise it to 207., your voters will lose two-thirds purse of the state. The lords were too powof their number. He was certain he would be erful already; he did not mean to say that the borne out by every landlord in saying, that the order was in the constitution too powerful; 10%. householders were a class every way as but in the framework of society their influence respectable, intelligent, and independent, as was too great. He was afraid that this inthe householders of 157. But after all, the fluence on the state of society was fast rebest argument in favour of the 107. franchise ducing our country into the two great distincis, that it has been promised to the country. tions, known in certain ancient communities Lord J. Russell, on the first introduction of by the names of patrician and plebian. Sothis great measure, promised that the elec- ciety seemed fast diving into these two classes, toral qualification should be extended to that and the most bitter opposition was beginning class of his Majesty's subjects; and it would to manifest itself betwixt them. If, then, they not do now to say, that the King thought they were to raise meu from the rank of the Comshould have it-that the Ministers thought they mons, they ran the hazard of converting them should have it-and that the Commons admit- into illiberal patricians. Yet let them call upon ted they should have it, but that as, the Lords the King and his Ministers to use every means, would not allow them to have it, therefore they consistent with the safety of the state, to ensure should be shut out from the exercise of the pri- the passing of this bill into a law, and imvilege. If they, in the blindness of their minds, plore them, that whatever they do, they do it should shut the door against that respectable quickly. Time was now of the utmost imclass of the community, he hoped that such a portance in the consideration of this measure. storm would be raised on the outside as would All the interests of the country were suffering, shake the edifice till the portals opened and and trembling on the brink of ruin during this admitted them to their rightful privilege. He delay. Those great interests which connected hoped they would agitate-he for one would us with every country on the face of the globe not cease to agitate-till this essential part of were all in danger; he need but name_the the bill was gained. One mode, and that the pregnant words-corn, currency, church, East most constitutional, was to go to the foot of Indies, West Indies, and, like the hand-writing the throne, to thank his Majesty for his patriot- that appeared on the wall of the eastern moism in firmly adhering to the cause of his narch's palace, they called on them to rise people-and humbly to implore him to use and take measures for their protection and his prerogative in getting this measure prosperity, or our fortunes and national dispassed unmutilated and undefaced. As to tinction were gone for ever. On looking back the means of passing this measure, however, upon the proceedings of the present and last he was averse to making large additions to the session of Parliament, it was found that all peerage; he would still much rather have the the attention of the Legislature had been Bill carried into law by conversions than by bestowed upon this one topic, Reform creations; au exercise of prerogative that -a great and important question, it was true, ought never to be exercised except on the and deserving of the most serious consideramost rare emergencies. He had sympathised tion of that august assembly, but all other ledeeply with Earl Grey all along in his back-gislative measures were necessarily excluded. wardness to resort to this great constitutional Let us implore them, then, to lose no time in prerogative of the Crown. Instead of blaming dismissing finally this measure-to lose no time in erecting a clear stage on which they might enact great deeds for the welfare of the country. The House of Commons now could perform no other legislative functions in its present state; it had pronounced its own dis missal, and had signed its own death warrant. It dared scarcely take up any great question, as it knew the country would never be satisfied with the decision of a self-condemned and virtually extinguished body. The learned knight concluded his speech with again calling on the meeting to implore the Legislature to cast an eye on the suffering people-suffering iu their persons and purses, and without delay to pass the Reform Bill into a law. Armed with such appeals, their petitions must be triumphant. He read the Address to the King. Mr. Joseph Miller seconded the Address, which was carried unanimously. NEWCASTLE MEETING. MEETING OF THE NORTHERN POLITICAL UNION. On Wednesday evening last (18th April) a meeting of the council and association of the Northern Political Union, and other friends of reform, was held in the Music Hall, Blackettstreet, to take into consideration the propriety of sending a petition to the House of Lords, praying that their lordships would pass the Reform Bill without impairing or mutilating it, and more especially as it regarded the clause of the 101. franchise. The meeting was very numerously attended; a large body arrived from the south side of the Tyne, preceded by two banners and a band of music. About half past seven, the council took their seats in the gallery, and shortly afterwards C. Attwood, Esq. was voted to the chair. Mr. THOMAS DAVIDSON proposed a series of Mr. ATTWOOD said the object of the meetresolutions, adverting to each as he proceeded. ing was to propose a scries of resolutions on He insisted upon the 101. franchise being re- which to ground a petition to the House of tained. Householding was the acknowledged Peers praying that the bill might not be muconstitutional franchise, and 101. was only re-tilated in any of its essential points. After ceived as a compromise by the people. He dif fered from Sir Daniel Saudford, and thought that a creation of Peers was the only way of passing the Bill. The Resolutions were seconded by Mr. M'Aulay without any remarks, in consequence of the crowded state of the room, and the uncomfortable situation of those placed in the open air. Mr. THOMAS MUIR read a Petition to the Lords, which was seconded by Mr. JOHN TAIT, who remarked that he differed from Sir Daniel in the reverence he felt for the Peerage. Those who, like him (Mr. T.), were placed at the base of the social system, cid not much revere the Corinthian capital; though Sir Daniel Sandford, who was half way up, might look upon it with great veneration. He hoped that the time would come when hereditary lords would not be counted part of the constitution of the country. He did not object to titles for life, when they were given as an honour for service done to the country. The bill was received as a compromise by the working classes, though it would exclude almost the whole of them from the franchise, and, though they looked upon those below 101. as respectable, and, comparatively speaking, as inteligent as those above it. Mr. THOMAS ATKINSON, in proposing that the Address and Petition be entrusted to Earl Grey, delivered an animated address, laudatory of the character and attainments of his Lordship. As to Mr. Tait's creed, that the House of Peers ought to form no part of the British Constitution, of course he need not say that it was no part of the creed of this Association, though, to the expression of that gentleman's individual opinion on the subject, they could have no objection. The Meeting then separated, after giving cheers for the King, the Ministry, and the Bill. expressing his satisfaction at the ardour evinced by the society in thus coming forward on so short a notice as the council had been compelled to give them, he stated that he saw, in the conduct of the Ministers, something calculated to alarm him with regard to the sufficiency of their firmness, and especially with regard to the 101. clause-a clause for the success of which he was remarkably anxious, because if that clause suffered any mutilation, the people would be farther removed from any control in the representa tion than if the bill had never passed at all. The people of England had made enough sacrifice, and must not now have the rate of franchise raised one iota higher. If the bill should be mutilated, whatever other events might arise, the bird of peace would be seen no more in this country. Mr. A. then re marked on some observations which had fallen from some of the opposition peers. It was reported to have been said by one nobleman (the Duke of Buckingham), that the minis ters were controlled by political unions, who were fighting their battles under the flag of Attwood. (Cheers and laughter.) He (the chairman) was not the object of the noble duke's sneer; he was only a relative of that individual, but still he was proud of the name of a family whose exertions struck terror into the hearts of their country's enemies. If the flag of Buckingham and the flag of Attwood should come into collision, he believed the peer would be first to strike his flag (cheers), but he trusted that no war but that of words would be attendant on this mighty measure. T. DOUBLEDAY, Esq., rose :-Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen, in moving the resolution entrusted to me, I shall have to draw heavily upon your indulgence. I am unused to address the public, and ain surrounded by friends who are accustomed to invest the valuable matter they lay before you with many of the ་ graces of oratory, and to fortify it by means account of what they got,) whilst other sects of the arts of rhetoric. If, therefore, what I had to pay their ministers out of their own have to say shall seem homely in the compari- pockets, and did do so, and well too. This son, I hope your kindness will make every was England; but what was it in Ireland? allowance. Nay, I trust that some of you Dr. Johnson called somebody a "satisfacmay go a step-and by taking bluntness as an tory coxcomb"-the Irish church had not evidence of sincerity, allow me to derive a the merit of being a satisfactory humbug; little credit even out of my own defects. Mr. it was a set of pensions under the impu D. then proceeded to say, that the Reform dent pretence of religion, where there plainly Bill had passed the second reading in the was none. Some divines divided religion in lords, was a subject for exultation but not for two parts, the visible and invisible church.over security-it ought to act as an excitement There was neither in Ireland: the churches and not to lull as a soporific-the reformers had all tumbled down, and the congregations were bound to use every effort to get the bill, turned Roman Catholics! (Loud laughing and in all its integrity, through the committee. cheers). He next came to that pretty affair, This was not said in derogation of Earl Grey the 800 millions of debt! Upon that head he -he had confidence in Earl Grey: because would speak with sincerity and brave obloquy, Earl Grey had, up to this hour, been a con- which he knew he should get in some quarsistent, straightforward politician. He begged ters. He begged them, if they disapproved of the meeting, and the worthy chairman espe- his arguments to put him down, for in this cially, to remember that when, in 1819, the question there was no medium, and they whigs, as Indians worship the devil through must either be very right or egregiously fear, prostrated themselves at Alnwick, be- wrong, Who borrowed this money? (A fore the Duke of Northumberland, from voice, “I got none of it.") He_dared say dread of the radicals, Lord Grey and Mr. his friend told the truth, for the English boLambton were the honourable exceptions in roughmongers borrowed it !-(Loud laughing) this crew of recreants. Lord Grey's upright—and for what? To put down reform at conduct, too, broke the hollow heart of the home and freedom abroad, to perpetuate their flashy sophist, Canning. He must repeat, own profitable abuses. Had they any right to that no stone should be left unturned to se- saddle us and our children with this debt? cure the bill. Did they not know that many He denied it flatly and in toto. He abjured even of those who voted for it, tried, at the the whole loan system-a nation had de facto same moment, to destroy its credit in the eyes only a life interest in the soil and property, of the people. Lord Wharncliffe said it would they could not alienate nor will it away! do them no good! Wellington out-heroded They could not sell the country in the lump him, and said it would do us even pecuniary and spend the money. Now a man with a harm that after we got it, we should be so life interest only cannot mortgage nor burthen unruly that we should have to pay a thunder- the heir;-this is the law of nature and civiliing army to keep ourselves in order, and have zation also. But if this was as he said, could ourselves to pay taxes! Such bad boys should they mortgage the blood and bones, the minds we be, that our pocket money would all go in and bodies of their descendants? Monstrous buying birch rods for our own backs. idea; and yet this has been attempted by (Laughter.) This stuff would hardly do, even them, for before a shilling of profit or mainfrom the prince of Waterloo. No, no! gen- tenance could be ohtained by farmer, mertlemen; no, no! Let us get our reformed chant, or manufacturer, he must first work parliament, our "house of delegates," ("he out his share of the taxes to pay the interest thanked the Duke for teaching him that of the "debt," as it is called: this could not word,") and we shall soon manage our " dele- continue. He was for no unmerciful dispengation" so as to do good to ourselves. At sation to the fundbolders; they were innoanother time he would say more upon this im- ceut, and ought to be paid as far as all dispoportant topic. What were, now, the great sable public property could pay them: for the evils of the country?-1st. The sinecure rest some sort of compromise must be made, places and pensions; 2nd. The overgrown-and by a reformed parliament, in time, it church and its tithes, and 3rd. The astounding debt-three Medusas heads, full of snakes! He would begin with the sinecures they came out of the pockets of the people; would they do so under a parliament "delegated" by the people? Not they-no more of clerks of green wax and pells and tallies devouring thousands of pounds for nothing! Would this be no good-to us? Let us stick to the delegate system, and we shall prosper.(Cheers.) He next came to the churchwhat was it? A sect calling itself" na tional," but not cared for by one man in ten. Its modest parsons took eight millions a year, (he said this by guess, for they would give no would be made ;-the thing was inevitable, and time would prove it so. He thought he had now convinced them they would get some good out of a reformed parliament (Vehement cheering)—it was a plaiu conclusion, then, do all you can for "the bill." Mr. D. then moved the first resolution, which was carried unanimously, with cheering and clapping of hands. Mr. WILLIAM ANDREW MITCHELL followed, and said :-Mr. Chairman and gentlemen,lu seconding the motion of Mr. Doubleday, I shall only trouble you with a very few desultory remarks. Gentlemen, I am glad to see you so numerously assembled here this even ing, not because I have any fear that the bill the corruption which time had thrown over will not be passed, not because I am under it, they are, as it were, to cut their own throats, the slightest apprehension that the corrupt to destroy the very edifice which they had importion of the British aristocracy will again mortalized themselves in endeavouring to reattempt to raise their heads, but because I store. (Loud applause.) But, gentlemen, histhink it necessary, and I am sure you will tory gives us instances of sound representaagree with me, that the people of England tion without any such effects. The Swedes should make another strong and vigorous de- I have their Storthings, in which they are fairly monstration of their energy and their firm-represented; there are no rotten boroughs ness, that they may thereby convince his Ma-amongst them (laughter), and yet we never jesty and the House of Peers that they are as heard of their attempting to abolish the King anxious as ever, that they are as sincere in of their constitution. Then, again if we look their desire as ever, for this great measure of at the United States, the people in that counreform. (Great applause.) Gentlemen, as to try have their House of Representatives, which the boroughmongers, I look upon them as is equivalent to our House of Commons, and already dead, and it only remains with you to the Americaus have no rotten boroughs give them a decent interment (applause and amongst them. They have also their Senate, laughter); and then in the name of every their upper house, which is their House of thing base, corrupt, aud abominable, let them Lords, and they have their President who is, be speedily and properly forgotten. To use a in truth, nothing but a cheap King who reigns vulgar simile, the nail has been already driveu four years at a time; and yet who ever heard to the head, it is only necessary with you to of any attempt of the House of Representatives clinch it, and the business is complete. (Ap-to abolish their King or their House of Peers? plause.) It would be idle in me to occupy your attention at any length with observations on the absurdities aud imbecilities of the antireform peers; but there are a few points which strike me at this moment, a remark or two on which, if they do not edify, will certainly amuse. (Applause.) The Earl of Eldon made use of an argument, about which he quibbled and quirked so long that one would almost imagine there was some sense in it (loud laughter); but which, when its real meaning was discovered, came to nothing more or less than this, that all former motions on reform-that all former reform bills which had ever been introduced into the House of Lords or House of Commons, had heen thrown out, and that, therefore, the present bill ought to be thrown out also. (Laughter.) How the antiquated lawyer's fondness for precedent beguiled him into an absurdity which would draw him to the conclusion that there ought to be no improvement in any part of the globe to the present hour. The same argument would show, that the Court of Chancery ought to have been now what it was in its first imperfect rudimentsthe same argument would show that the Houses of Lords and Commons should be as they were at the beginning-the same argu. ment would show that we ought never to have passed the heptarchy, if, indeed, it allowed us the heptarcby at all, and that we never ought to have been under one sole and united monarchy, the same argument would prove that we ourselves ought to have been at this moment naked savages, painted blue, and living in mud huts by the sea shore. (Applause and laughter.) Lord Lyndhurst says if their Lordships pass the bill-if they give the people a full and perfect representation, they will abolish the other branches of the legislature. This is a very fine compliment to the people of England, to say that as soon as they shall have acquired their renovated constitution- -as soon as their constitution shall have cast off the injuries and The Duke of Wellington! gentlemen; his arguments that the property of the country did not support the Reform Bill, have been well answered as you will have seen, already, by Lord Brougham, especially as relates to the pecuniary wealth and the landed property of the country; but there is another property which also warmly supports the bill-the property of the human hands (loud applause), that property without which all other property is as nothing. Without that property, what would be the value of all your hoarded ingots and accumulated acres? That is the property which produces and tends so largely to accumulate capital; the property of labour, I do not mean that of the poor alone, for the poor, the middle classes, and the rich, are all in some respects labourers. We are all more or less labourers, and labour must and will be represented by the bill. (Loud applause.) If then the landed property, the pecuniary wealth, and the property of labour support the bill, what body of men do not give it their support, by what portion of the people is it not almost unanimously supported? (Applause.) Some hints have been given of an address respecting the creation of peers. Now I hold with my friend Mr. Doubleday, that we must strain every nerve, that we must leave no stone unturned, that we must use every legal means in our power to convince his Majesty and the House of Peers that we are resolved to have the bill in all its integrity, uninjured and unimpaired. (Applause.) I have never doubted the passing of the bill, and there is one happy result which I anticipate from that event. I may be indulging in a golden dream, but we shall see, such is my feeling and such is ny hope, a greater assimilation between the government and the people. The government and the people will no longer be opponents but friends-no longer enemies but allies. Future reforms will be gradual and safe, instead of tardy and dangerous; and we shall approach more aud general insurrection, and others with more more to the happy time which is foretold by Holy Writ, when the spear shall be turned into the pruning hook and the sword iuto the ploughshare, neither shall there be war any more; when every man shall sit under his own vine and under his own fig-tree, noue rising up to make him afraid." (Great Applause.) Mr. JOHN FIFE then rose.-Mr. Chairman, Friends and Fellow-countrymen-I did not expect to have again taken any part in the proceedings of a meeting for the purpose of petitioning the Lords after the contumelious manner in which they treated the desires, the petitions, and the rights of the people, and it would even now be inore congenial to my feelings, were we to address the throne and entreat our constitutional King so to exercise his prerogative as to secure to his people the full benefit of the Reform Bill; but I do think that we owe something to the last majority of their Lordships' house for the second reading, as they have voted an advantage to the people against a direct interest of their order, in the conservation of abuses, by which a few of them absorb more of the public money than the amount of the whole rent-roll of the whole of their estates. (Cheers.) It is agreed by writers on the constitution, that to create peers for the purpose of passing any measure is to estab-I blish a dangerous precedent; but I do say that if the people are deprived of a tittle of any oue of the democratic provisions of the bill by Lord Grey's conscientious scruples on this poiut, they have a right to conclude that their boasted constitution is a greater obstacle to the beneficence of a good miuister, than it is a check on the profligacy of a bad one. Where was the constitution under the administration of Pitt or of Castlereagh? Where was the constitution when Muir aud Palmer were banished and destroyed for the crime of being reformers? Where was the constitution when we could not obtain investigation of the atro-be the condition of the people unprotected by cious transactions at Manchester! Where is a free Parliament, if after a lapse of ages the the constitution when peers and their tools throne should be occupied by one very difdare to set up claims adverse to the right of ferent? Certain Lords have good reason to free election? (Cheers.) We know well that complain of the press, for the reporters have the decision of the House of Lords has delayed, made Lord Ellenborough seem ridiculous; I if not altogether averted, calamities which it could not conceive where they got such stuff is painful to contemplate, and under this im- until my friend Mr. Doubleday pointed out pression I propose this second resolution. some of it in Blackwood's Magazine; it ad(Mr. F. then read the resolution.) As to the mires the present House of Commons for congrounds upon which their Lordships could taining so many sous of peers, proving it, achave done otherwise, it is declared by Black-cording to the sarcasm of Bentham, almost stone to be "a high misdemeanour and breach of privilege for any peer of the realm to interfere in the elections of the Commons ;" and I think that we committed a fundamental error in ever acknowledging their right to direct us in the manner of such elections. The resolution mentions gratitude, but it may be well not to inquire too curiously into motives; perhaps they remembered that about two hundred years ago the Commons declared the Upper House to be a nuisance. (Laughter.) some might have wished for some dreaded But can as good as a second House of Lords; it delights in the number of military officers in that House, making it equal to a court martial, but it omits all mention of the original intention of the House of Commons, viz. to act as a protection to the people. (Laughter.) It laments that the bill gives no elective franchise to the labouring classes, and then asserts as its greatest evil, that it must soon lead to universal suffrage, annual parliaments, and vote by ballot. (Cheers.) The reporters ascribe most offensive language to the Mar |