quis of Buckingham, for which the ten- | nine, which they last year rejected by a majopound householders may requite them-his rity of forty-one. One hundred and eightyobjection to the bill, that the House of Com-four peers have recorded their votes in favour mons may become vulgar; but let him be con- of this great measure of popular liberty; soled with the assurance that if the least edu-one hundred and seventy-five have recorded cated people instead of their representatives their votes against it. The majority is were there, no speech would ever be heard small; still, small as it is, I hail it as an within the walls of the House, below the level instance of the resistless force of public of his own. (Laughter.) If seven cities of an- opinion. (Cheers.) Oh, Sir, it is difficult cient Greece contended for the honour of hav-to resist the resolved unanimity of a nation. ing given birth to Homer, I think that seven (Cheers.) The people have urged their deNewcastle men out of eight would struggle mands firmly but respectfully; in a tone and hard to disclaim, on the part of their town, with a look that could not be mistaken, aud the honour of having produced a certain learn- would not be resisted. (Cheers.) The thuned lord: he eulogises things as they are, and der of the public voice has long been heard mentions the blessings we have; and if he rolling in the political firmament, whose asjudges the situation of others by his own, he pect has been black and louring. I am glad certainly has substantial reasons. (Laughter.) that that voice has been attended to. I am He cites the great writers who admire the cou- glad that the House of Lords have not been stitution with all its abuses, but he omits to rash and daring enough to rouse the slumberquote the most eloquent of those, Mr. Burke, ing passions of a mighty people, for if they who says, "There is a time when the hoary had beeu mad enough not to heed the thunder head of inveterate abuse shall no longer draw of the people's voice, assuredly they would reverence, nor even obtain protection."- have perished in the lightning of the people's (Cheers.) There never was in this world a rage. (Loud cheering.) The hour, then, of position at once more ludicrous and degrading our triumph approaches; of the triumph of than that which is now the plan of the Tory wisdom over foily, of reason over obstinacy faction; having plunged this country into un- and error, of justice over injustice, of hujust wars, and brought it to the verge of na- manity over oppression, of freedom over ty tional bankruptcy, they declared that nothing ranny, of the people over a borough mongering could be better, and that no reform should be oligarchy. (Cheers.) I rejoice at the prospect grauted! Hurled from power, disowned by which England now has of being rescued from the more virtuous part of the aristocracy, the thraldom of the basest domination to ejected from Parliament by the middle orders, which proud men have ever submitted; the derided and scorned by the labouring classes domination of Jews, and jobbers, and moneyof the people, they began to stammer out that lenders. I rejoice at the prospect which Enga little bit of a reform might do. (Laughter.) land has now of being delivered from the ty Thus "meanly shuffling to sneak ont of the ranny of an oligarchy the most insolent which scrape they had so pompously shuffled into." the world ever beheld, and from the pressure Their day is past, but if, as a last effort, they of an oppresion the most huge under which a spoil the bill, let us reject it with disdain. nation ever groaned. I rejoice at the pros(Cheers.) No longer will I pay taxes in mo- pect which England now has of emerging ney. (Cheers.) Let them confiscate my land. from wretchedness to happiness, from impend(Cheers.) Let them seize my goods. (Cheers.) ing turbulence, insurrection and civil war, to I am prepared to endure the last extremity tranquillity, contentment and peace. (Cheers.) (cheers) eterual banishment (cheers)- Yes, Sir; at length, after a long and dreary death itself (cheers)-rather than be the night of expectation, the day-star of the Bri willing slave of a tyrannical, unprincipled, tish constitution is beginning to beam from on Tory administration. (Long continued cheer-high, the waves are subsiding, the winds are ing.) Mr. F. concluded by moving the second resolution, which was seconded by Mr. Abbatt, and carried unanimously.

hushed, and the clouds are vanishing fast. Already the purple streak of dawn is apparent in the brightening east, andere long, I trust, the Mr.LARKIN then rose and said :-Mr. Chair- full and perfect orb of glorious liberty will rise man and Gentlemen,-When, on the rejection resplendent on our eager and desiring eyes, of the reform bill by the House of Lords in and diffuse universal light, harmony, and joy, October last, I had the honour of addressing (Loud cheering.) This majority on the second an assemblage of one hundred thousand of reading of the Reform Bill I regard as a splenmy fellow-countrymen on the Town Moor, I did victory; a victory not of war, but of gave vent to those feelings which the conduct peace; not of arms, but of eloquence; not of of that House was naturally calculated to ex-brute force, but of moral energy. When cite in the bosom of a man who loves his country and hates oppression, in the language of indignation and of scornful reproach. I have now a more pleasing task to perform, to address in a tone of joyful expectation and in the language of congratulation and triumph. The House of Lords had passed the second reading of the Reform Bill by a majority of

last we approached the House of Lords, we were rudely pushed from the doors, our demands rejected, our petitions spurned. We resented that rejection, we were indignant at that denial; and the Lords were taught the lesson, that the demands and petitions of the people of England could not be rejected with impunity. Did the people retire from the

House of Lords with dejected hearts and it is very edifying to hear the mutual criminafallen countenances? No; the universal po- tions and recriminations of these right revepulation of these realms sprung from their rend prelates. As to me, who am well known knees upon their feet, abaudoped the posture to possess the most profound respect and reof supplication, and assumed that of haughty verence for the bench of Bishops (loud laughdetermination and firm resolve. (Cheers.) And ter), and who in my simplicity had always what has been the consequence? The Lords, thought that the snow-like purity and the proud peers of Englaud, have quailed in whiteness of their sleeves was but a feeble the presence of a resolved and united people: emblem of the still greater purity of their chaeven Wellington has been constrained to the racter. (Laughter.) I was astonished at hearadmission that some reform is necessary, and ing it insinuated that any portion of that the Duke of Buckingham, God save the sacred bench could be influenced by motives mark! (laughter)-is ready prepared with a and passions so hase, so sordid, so grovelling plan of reform. The bishops, too, have and earthly, as those of avarice and ambition. begun to feel something of that whole- (Loud laughter.) Yet Dr. Philpotts says so, some fear which is the beginning of wis- and he is an honourable man. (Great laughter dom, and to trenible for their mitres. Such, and cheering.) They know one another's Sir, is the mighty force and resistless characters better than I do; and the Bishop energy of public opinion. Concession has of Exeter can portray with a much more corsucceeded to rude insult, respect and defe-rect and faithful pencil than I possess, the rence to scorn and repulsion. (Cheers.) To me character of a spiritual peer. (Laughter.) But, the opposition which has been made to the sir, permit me to ask, if the character of those Reform Bill in the House of Lords seems to prelates who voted in favour of the Reform be most unprincipled-most audacious. Se- Bill be, in the estimation of Dr. Philpotts, cure in their bereditary privileges, possessing venal and corrupt, in what estimation does he a negative on the voice of the people, forming think the people hold the character of those a distinct order in the state, endowed with prelates who are the opponents of the bill, the ample possessions, and adorned with titles advocates of injustice, the vindicators of the and distinctions, it does seem to me auda-shameful parts of the constitution, and the cious that such men should not only avow their wish, but maintain their constitutional right to keep the House of Commons in subserviency to the aristocracy. Neither the law, nor the constitution recognises any such right (cheers); and the assertion of it evinces so utter a contempt for law, and so total a disregard of the principles of that constitution which they affect so much to admire, as to amaze me by its audacity. It is a great concession to hereditary privilege, to a body of men who seem to regard their interests as quite distinct from those of the people, that the power of the House of Lords should be Co-ordinate with the power of the House of Commons; but that the House of Commons should be subordinate to the House of Lords, is a degradation to which, I trust, the people of this country have too much spirit ever again to submit, nor will they ever he content till the House of Commons becomes in very truth and deed the mirror of public sentiment, and its members the representatives of the people of England, and not the nominees and delegates of the aristocracy. (Cheers.) I have now, sir, to beg your indulgence and that of this auditory while I make a few comments on the speeches of the Bishop of Exeter and the Duke of Wellington. And first let me pay my respects to that in lawn, the notorious Philpotts. In the debate he followed the Bishop of London, who has recommended himself to the esteem of the people by his solemn and emphatic declaration that reform is necessary for the peace and safety of the country. The Bishop of Exeter commenced his harangue by sarcastically complimenting the Bishop of London on the disinterestedness of the vote he was about to give. Certainly, sir,

bold and frontless apologists of drunkenness, gluttony, bribery, corruption, and perjury? (Loud cheers.) Oh, sir, no doubt the man who charges the Bishop of London with the crimes of avarice aud ambition, is himself completely purified from the dross of all earthly and selfish feeling-a sublimated essence of sanctity (laughter), - -a very pattern of episcopal purity and Christian meekuess! (Great laughter.) Who, I ask, is this man that spurns gold as dross?—whose character is the very reverse of that of Mammon, whose looks and thoughts the poet describes

"As always downwards bent, admiring more

The riches of Heaven's pavement, trodden gold,
Than aught divine or holy else to be enjoyed
In vision beatific?"

-Whose looks commerce only with the skies? Who, from the elevated region of sanctity in which he dwells, looks down with an eye of superiority and contempt on the spires of Winchester cathedral, or the lofty towers of Durham abbey? Who, I ask, is the man that reads lectures on avarice, and homilies on ambition to the Bishop of London? Why, sir, it is the disaffected, the defeated, the discomfited Rector of Stanhope. (Loud cheering.) Now, Sir, I would like to know if this pure, meek, and disinterested character had no vengeful recollection of the persons who wrested Stanhope from his grasp? Does he not recollect that it was Earl Grey and the present Ministry, who, in obedience to the public voice loudly and indignantly expressed, would not suffer him to hold that rich rectory in conjunction with the see of Exeter? I should like to know whether in revenge for that act of justice he would not like to trip up the heels of the Ministry that defrauded his

re

keen appetite of its eager expectations? Aye, comment on the Duke of Wellington's speech, sir, I fear if my Lord of London has ambitious but our want of space compels us to abbreviate expectations, his Lordship of Exeter has venge- his remarks. After contrasting his present ful recollections. (Loud cheers.) I pass over admission of the necessity of some his defence of rotten boroughs; I pass over form, with his former declaration that the the obscenity of his allusions to the shameful system of government in this country was but necessary parts of the constitution, merely so perfect that neither the wit of man nor the remarking that these shameful parts are of a intelligence of angels could improve it, and most inordinate and disproportionate magui- ridiculing his late discovery of some abuses in tude, and make the constitution a sort of po- a system the most perfect that imagination litical monster, whose glory is in its shame; could conceive; he then noticed the oband I proceed to his representation of reform jections of his grace. The duke objects that as dangerous to the existence of the establish- the bill is subversive of the present system of ment. This is a strange admission from a representation. His grace is neither a witty churchman-that the security of the church nor a humorous man, though this must be depends on the venality and corruption of the intended as an humble attempt at humour. House of Commons. (Hear, hear.) If this Present system of representation! Why our representation be true, then do I say that a support of the bill is founded on this circumchurch whose existence is incompatible with the stance, that on the ruin and destruction freedom of the people and the independence of of a non-representative system it erects a the Commons' House of Parliament, is a pub-system of popular representation. It transfers lic and national evil, and should be abolish- the elective franchise from decayed and ed. (Loud cheers.) He asserts that this granting of reform would be an infraction of the coronation oath, inasmuch as reform would weaken and ultimately destroy that establishment which the King had sworn to maintain. If so, then by a public, formal act, of the legislature, the King should be absolved from the observance of an oath which prevents him from doing justice to his subjects. (Cheers.) If that establishment be, as the Bishop of Exeter declares that it is, odious and oppressive to the people, wherefore in the name of justice should it be mentioned? If that establishment be a public benefit, it can be in no danger from reform. If it be a public evil, it is the height of oppression to maintain it. (Loud cheers.) The maintenance of any establishment, whether civil, religious, or military, in opposition to the wishes and the interests of the people, is tyranny, as they are tyrants of the most odious description who, in defiance of public opinion, support them-they are slaves who submit to them. (Loud cheers.) The public happiness, the public good, should be the great object of all legislation, of all laws, of all constitutions, of all establishments; perish every law, perish every constitution, perish every establishment that is inconsistent with the happiness, with the freedom of the people. (Vehement cheering.) Dr. Philpotts concluded his address with a solemn warning to the House to do its duty, to despise consequences, and trust to God. He invoked the God of justice to give permanency to injustice. He invoked the God of Freedom to make tyranny eternal and slavery immortal. Blasphemy and hypocrisy were mingled in that peroration in which the champion of oppression makes a solemn, deliberate appeal to Heaven, as if God were the patron of the oppressor, and not the avenger of the oppressed. (Great cheering.) The man who uttered that blasphemous peroration conceals under the robes of a bishop the heart of

(Cheers.) Mr. Larkin then proceeded to

deserted boroughs to crowded and populous
places, from Gatton and Old Sarum to Man-
chester and Birmingham. He represents the
bill as a bill of disfranchisement. Certainly
it disfranchises the corrupt and rotten borough,
but it enfranchises the large town: it is there-
fore much more truly a bill of enfranchise-
ment than one of the opposite character. But
what right has the disfranchiser of the forty-
shilling freeholder of Ireland to object that it
is a bill of disfranchisement? (Cheers.)—He
talks of innovation. What right has the great
innovator, the Duke of Wellington, the man
who exalted the Catholics from political de-
gradation to civil equality with their Protes-
tant fellow-subjects, to hold this language?
He refers to Charles, to royal grants, and to
prescriptions, as if they were the most sacred
things in all the world. But I tell this ad-
mirer of musty parchments and hoary-headed
prescriptions, that there are rights which are
anterior to all charters, and can plead a higher
antiquity than the most ancient prescription,
which no charter, no prescription can impair
or destroy, which have within them a principle
of perpetual reviviscency, and will ultimately
triumph over all attempts to crush and destroy
them, and these rights this bill which abo-
lishes obsolete charters, aud destroys prescrip-
tive abuses, to a great extent recognises. One
of these rights is, the right of every people to
govern themselves. (Loud cheers.)
is a right founded on no royal grant,
but had existence before kings were-
this is a right founded on no charters, but had
its foundation in the nature of man before
written documents had existence. From
charters and prescriptions then, we appeal to
the rights of man. (Cheering.) But it ap-
pears that it is not the lust of dominion, it is
not the ambitious views of his grace that
prompt his opposition to the bill of reform, but
actually his love of the people and his admira-
tion of cheap government! (Laughter.) Mr.
Larkin here read a passage illustrative of his
grace's views. Previous to commenting on

This

courses, nor exasperated the resentment of the populace into fury and desperation, by a second rejection of the Reform Bill. In the meantime, it behoves the people to be vigilant, and to guard from impairment and mutilation this great charter of their liberties. (Loud cheers.) Mr. L. concluded by moving the third resolution, which was seconded by Mr. WALSH.

The petition was then read by the chairman, and its adoption moved by Mr. LAING and seconded by Mr. DODD.

this passage, I ask why did not the duke illus- | so easily quelled? (Cheers.) Were the retrate his views by a reference to the much volting citizens of Brussels so easily quelled? more splendid example of a cheap government (Cheers.) Besides, are armies always faithwhich the United States present to the world ful? Will officers always do their duty against than to the unsettled government of France, torn their country? (Cheers.) But I will no longer as it is by injustice, faction, and discord, and pursue this course of reflection. Easy as his with the evil of a disputed succession impending grace supposes it to be to crush an insurgent over it. I deny that the government of France people-easy as he supposes it to be to drais, as his grace asserts, a popular govern- goon and bayonet them into submission, still ment. I deny it is based on the sovereignty for the sake of the people, for the sake of their of the people. It is because the government lordships, for the sake of tranquillity, for the of France is not popular; it is because it is sake of the great cause of liberty itself, which not based on the sovereignty of the people that has often been lost amidst the tumult and carthe insurrectionary spirit, that the spirit of in- nage, the ferocious passions and unlicensed subordination prevails. Louis-Philippe was frensy of civil war, I rejoice that their lordseated on the throne of France by a fac-ships have not goaded the people into violent tion of moneyed men, who were more interested in the stability of the funds than in the principles of free government, and not by the voice and acclamation of the French people. He goverus in accordance with the views of that moneyed interest, and not according to the views and interest of the nation. Would Poland, I ask, be at this moment enslaved, if Louis-Philippe were really King of the French? -Would that gallant people be at the mercy Mr. J. WATSON moved that a petition, of a despot, within the hug of the great Rus- founded on the resolutions, be signed by the sian bear, if the sympathies of the French mo-chairman on behalf of the meeting, and transnarch were in accordance with those of his mitted to Lord Durham for presentation. people?-Poland, the land of the brave and the free, has been degraded, and France has been a silent, inactive spectator of that degradation, into a Russian province. Her heroes, whose blood has not flowed on the scaffold or been spilt in the field, have been exiled into Siberia; and Poland is annexed for ever-hear this absolute decree-for ever annexed to the Russian empire. The haughty despot of the north, whose tenure of life is so uncertain, Mr. DOUBLEDAY said, he ought to feel both that it may be terminated by the bowstring shame and contrition for trespassing again, at within a month, has put forth a decree, arrogat- so late an hour, upon their patience. (Cries of ing the prerogative of Omnipotence, limited not No, no, go on, go on.) He felt it, however, to days, to weeks, to months, to years, but ex. a matter of duty, and duty was imperative. tended to all eternity. He decrees an eternity They had done well to pass the petition of toof bondage to the Poles. Poland, then, has night, but he meant to move an address to perished, because France is not free; and her Lord Grey urging him to create peers and government is not cheap, because Louis-Phi- secure the integrity of the bill. (Vehement lippe reigns, as all despots reign, by force, and applause.) He was glad they coincided with not by free election. The people are compelled him in opinion. Rumours and whispers were to submit, and are plundered to furnish the abroad that Lord Grey was disinclined to do means of their oppression and his domination. this if it were so, he wondered why, for how The duke calculated on insurrection as being could 30 or 40 more peers injure the "order." a probable consequence of the rejection of the-What idea were they taught to have of a Reform Bill, and endeavoured to re-animate the faltering courage of the peers, to screw their courage up to the rejecting point, by observing that there could be uo violence where there was an efficient government. Ninety men, he observed, were sufficient to put a stop to the disasters that occurred at Bristol, as soon as an officer was found to do his duty. Aye, sir, the sabre, the bayonet, the cannon, are this man's recipe for government. He knows nothing of the moral strength and force which justice and beneficence place in the hands of rulers. But is it so easy to quell an insurgent people as his military dukeship supposes? Was the insurgent populace of Paris

Previous to putting the resolutions and petition, the Chairman inquired if there were any other resolutions, when a person in the crowd proposed two, which he afterwards withdrew, and the original resolutions and petition were adopted.

peer? Why, that he was descended from a line of great and noble persons, and had the reputation of his house to support-he was called on to be brave in soul, generous in disposition, patriotic in inteution, to lead the people against foreign foes, to stand between them and domestic oppression;-now if 40 men with such qualifications were added, where was the injury? It was adding ornament to ornament, honour to honour, nobility to nobility. Was he to be told that an overissue would depreciate the lordly currency that they were only valuable when rure; the libel was not his, but this was putting them on the shelf with other rare specimens of natural his

tory, with ouran-outangs, and kangaroo rats. either or both of the other branches of it. Mr. D. then moved the address, which was Notwithstanding this refusal, the requisitors seconded by Mr. WEATHERSON, and adopted. persevered in their intention to hold the meetThe thanks of the meeting were given to ing on Thursday, and at 12 o'clock on that the Chairman; the band played" Rule, Bri-day, though the notices were not issued till tannia," and "God save the King," and after some cheering the meeting dispersed.

LEEDS MEETING.

CREATION OF PEERS.-MEETING OF
THE BOROUGH OF LEEDS.

The second reading of the Reform Bill, carried as it was by a majority of nine in the House of Lords, has produced great joy in this and the other towns of Yorkshire. But the reformers cannot be insensible to the danger which awaits this measure in its details, though its principle has now been admitted by all the three branches of the legislature,King, Lords, and Commons. The people of Leeds, with that devotion to the cause of reform, and that anxiety for the great object of their solicitude, which have characterized their proceedings in every stage of the Reform Bill, determined to hold a meeting without delay for the purpose of addressing the King, praying his Majesty, by the exercise of his royal prerogative, to cousummate this great renovation of the institution of Parliament. Accordingly, on Monday morning a requisition to the mayor was drawn up requesting his worship to call a meeting, expressed in the following terms:

"To the Worshipful the Mayor of Leeds. "We, the undersigned, respectfully request your worship to call a public meeting of the inhabitants of the borough of Leeds, on Thursday next, the 19th instant, to consider the propriety of presenting an address to his Majesty, earnestly entreating him to exercise his constitutional prerogative in a creation of peers, which shall prevent a collision betwixt the two Houses of Parliament, and ensure the passing of the Reform Bill in all its efficiency."

near the evening of Wednesday, the meeting assembled in the Court-house, when JOHN MARSHALL, jun., Esq., was, by a unanimous vote, called to the chair.

The CHAIRMAN opened the meeting by reading the requisition and the mayor's answer. The letter was as follows:·

"Gentlemen,-I regret that the avowed object of your proposed meeting is such as to preclude me from complying with the requisition you have done me the honour to present. Claiming for myself the same freedom of judgment as I most willingly accord to others, I cannot consent to use the authority of my office for the furtherance of a proceeding destructive, as it appears to me, of the independ ence of Parliament, and subversive of the undoubted right of each branch of the legislature to deal with every question according to its own judgment, free from control by both or either of the other branches of it.

"I have the less hesitation in withholding my official sanction on this occasion, from a feeling that the want of it will be no impedi meut to your proceeding in such a way as you may think right.

"I am, gentlemen,

Your obedient, humble servant, "Leeds, April 18. WM. HEY, Mayor. "To Messrs. Wailes, Clapham, and Baines."

As soon as these documents were read, a loud cry was raised of "Adjourn, adjourn; the people cannot get in." The weather was at this time very unseasonable for an out-door meeting, and a kind of close packing, which admitted a number of those who had been excluded, restored some degree of tranquillity.

The CHAIRMAN then said "We are once more met together to reuder whatever assistance it more may be in our power to give in furtherance of the great measure of reform. I hope it may be the last time, and that on the next occasion In the course of a few hours about 120 we may have to celebrate its success. (Apnames of respectable inhabitants were affixed plause. It may appear to require some exto this document, and a deputation, consisting planation why we are again so hastily of George Wailes, Esq., John Clapham, Esq., called together, after the bill has just passed a and Edward Baines, Esq., was appointed to second reading in the House of Lords. But wait upon his worship with the requisition think it must be evident to all, that though that evening at six o'clock. Unfortunately, many peers have voted for the second reading, the mayor's professional engagements at a it is with the intention of making important distance prevented him from receiving the alterations in its provisions in committee, application till Wednesday morning, when he such alterations, it is to be feared, as will lead requested some hours to consider the matter to a collision between the two Houses of Par before he returned an answer. At one o'clock liament. (Hear, hear.) If such alterations the answer arrived, and communicated a were made, the consequences would be most refusal to call the meeting, on the ground that, iujurious to the country, in either case, whe according to his worship's view, the measure ther the Commous accepted or rejected the contemplated would be destructive of the altered bill. If it were accepted by the Comindependence of Parliament, and subversive of mons, we should not arrive at a satisfactory the undoubted right of each branch of the settlement of the question, and we should have legislature to deal with every question accord-a continual excitement and agitation of it. If ing to its own judgment, free from control by the Commons should refuse the bill so altered,