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us to urge that all those constitutional steps should be taken by the King and by his administration which are necessary to bring this measure to a speedy and satisfactory termination. (Applanse.)

GEORGE WAILES, Esq., said, before he made any observations to the meeting, he would read the resolution which he was about to submit to the consideration of the meeting, and which was expressed in the following terms : —

present an address to the King, praying his Majesty, by the constitutional exercise of the royal prerogative in the creation of peers, to secure the passing of the Reform Bill in all its efficiency, and thereby to prevent a collision between the two houses of Parliament."

as I have supposed, we should have a still I cannot but entertain the o inion that all the greater degree of excitement, accompanied circumstances will be made out and completed with so much public anxiety as would be most that are required to authorise the Crown to injurious wheu added to that we have already make an addition to the peerage. The ques suffered from: we should have an intense aui- tion ought and must be speedily settled. It mosity against the House of Peers, and au is in these large manufacturing towns that we alienation of that respect and regard which feel more than in other parts of the country ought to attach to that branch of the legisla- the bad effects of the public anxiety on this lure. (Hear, hear.) Even if this course were great measure, by the loss or diminution of taken, it would soon become more than ever our usual trade. It is the more necessary for manifest that the bill, in all its efficiency, must again be offered to Parliament, and must eventually be passed by the Peers. But it would come with a worse grace, and with a greater loss of respect and influence by that body. It remains with the Crown to prevent both the House of Peers and the country from being placed in such a dangerous position, by a creation of new peers. We must all fear that creation of peers; for the purpose of carrying a particular measure, is an exercise of "Resolved-1. That though this meeting the royal prerogative that should not be rashly views with satisfaction the recognition by the used. It requires peculiar circumstances to House of Lords of the great principles on warrant it, which should he clearly and dis- which the bill of reform is grounded, it cannot tinctly made out. (Hear, hear.) I do main- avoid feeling the deepest auxiety at the smail tain that those circumstances are, in the pre-majority by which it has passed the second sent instance, fully made out to the satisfac-reading, combined with the declared intention tion of the most doubting. (Applause.) The of attempting most important alterations in its measure in question has been three times be-provisions. That it is therefore expedient to fore the House of Commons; the two last times before a House called expressly after an appeal to the people for their opinion on it. The measure has been long before the public, and still the same general and favourable opinion is entertained of it. It is a measure of the most vital importance to the nation, and The learned gentlemau then proceeded to has received the most careful consideration comment at considerable length on the arguand examination. Its mutilation by the mentative refusal of the mayor to call the Peers, so as to cause its rejection by the Com- meeting, and to show that the reasons he had mons, would produce a state of things ex-assigned why the King should not create additremely dangerous to the country. The tonal peers were futile and inconclusive; and Crown acquiesces in the propriety of the mea- he endeavoured to show, from the premises adsure. Any material alteration of the bill in mitted by the mayor, that it would be an exerthe House of Peers would, in my opinion, cise of the royal prerogative, not only highly after all these circumstances not only warrant, expedient but absolutely necessary, to preserve but would loudly and most forcibly call upon the real independence of Parliament, and to the Crown to exercise that prerogative with give to each branch of the legislature a right which it has so wisely been invested. (Ap-to deal with every question according to its plause.) There are some, however, and own judgment. among the rest our worthy Mayor, who entertain different opinions; aud it is therefore the more necessary that the question should be discussed now, when the emergency, if not actually arrived, is so uear at hand. (Hear, hear.) It should not be forgotten either, that one alteration which is most certain to be pro-movement had subsided, posed in the committee of the Peers, is Mr. WAILES resumed his observations, and, that of raising the 101. franchise still higher in illustration of his argument, he put the folin such large towns as this. One of the most lowing case:-Suppose the House of Comdetermined opponents of the bill stated in the mous, in whom originate all bills of supply, House of Lords, his opinion that the 107. fran- should pass a bill to impose a tax, and that chise would, in the large towns, approach when it came to the House of Lords they very nearly to universal suffrage. Now we should insert a clause exempting their own know very well how far this is from being the body from its operation. Well, the bill so case, and we know how ungracious and even altered is returned to the Commons, who rehow dangerous it would be to take a higher fuse to consent to the alteration. Let us also standard in such towus as these. If such al- suppose that the great body of the people are terations as these are carried in the committee, in favour of this impost, and that it hath also

[The learned gentleman was here interrupted by loud and repeated cries of "Adjourn; there are great numbers of persons who caunot get in."] After some delay the meeting adjourned into the spacious area of the cloth-hall. When the bustle produced by this

The Chairman then put the motion, when immediately a forest of hands were held up in its favour: on putting the negative, there ap peared three dissentients, by which a pretty fair calculation may be made between the reformers and the anti-reformers in the borough of Leeds.

the concurrence of the Crown. Both houses, prevent the Government degenerating into an let us further suppose, persist in their own oligarchy, and making some observations on measures: now would not the King, in such a a recent speech of the Duke of Wellington, juncture as this, be justified in making such the learned gentleman concluded with proan augmentation to the House of Peers as posing the resolution which he had read at should carry into effect the wishes of the peo-the commencement of his speech. ple? But the present case was much more Mr. RICHARDSON, in seconding the first refavourable to his argument, because the Re-solution, said, that the meeting was under great form Bill had been the subject of discussion obligations to the worthy chief magistrate of for fifty years; twice it had passed the House Leeds; for, though he had declined to call of Commons, and the principle of the bill had the meeting, he had favoured them with the at length received the sanction of the House most powerful argument in favour of the obof Lords. It could not, therefore, be con- ject they had in view, viz. the support of sidered as a sudden ill-considered movement," the independence of Parliament," which but the deliberate opinion of the great body of would be impaired if the House of Lords the nation, expressed in the most solemn and should succeed in throwing out or in maiming authentic manner by a House of Commons the Reform Bill, the main object of which elected with a particular reference to the very was to restore the independence of the House question, and since then by every other mode of Commons. In conclusion, he exhorted the in which the opinion of the people can be as-people not to allow any adverse decision on certained. This measure has also the ap- the Reform Bill to induce them to commit any proval of the King. If under these circum-breach of the peace; but by firm, peaceful, stances the House of Lords could be permit-energetic, and constitutional efforts, coutinue ted to defeat the wishes of the House of Com-to further that great cause, being assured that mons, the people, and the King, we should no a measure patronized by the King, the Minislonger live under a limited monarchy, consist-ters, the House of Commons, and the people, ing of King, Lords, and Commons, but of au can never be defeated by a faction in the oligarchy, consisting of a majority of the House of Peers. House of Peers. The constitution, to remedy such a collision, has given the King the power to add to the number of the peers. The crisis foreseen has arrived; and if ever there existed a great emergency which called for the exercise of the royal prerogative, it is on the present occasion; and he was convinced that an infusion of new and better blood into that Mr. BAINES presented himself, and was reancient house was a consummation most de-ceived with loud plaudits. He said, our next voutly to be wished. He had said, on a former proceeding will be to determine upon an address occasion, that the House of Lords could not to be presented to his Majesty, to express the constitutionally reject that bill: that was still opinions that we entertain upon this subject. his opinion, though he did not mean to repeat it affords ine great pleasure to see here so the expression which had given rise to some many of the faces which I have been accuscontroversy, and the assertion was treated as if tomed to see upou former occasions, when we he had said that the House of Lords had have met for the purpose of soliciting for renot the power of giving it a negative,-that form. (Hear.) Gentlemen, we shall assuredly they could not say no. I did not mean to say accomplish our object. It may be attended anything so foolish: what I said was this, with some difficulty in the attainment, but we that it was necessary and expedient, and that shall not value it the less because of that diffithey ought to have said "ay." The learned culty. (No, no.) It has long been a matter gentlenian, after putting this argument in a of consideration with us; we have pressed it striking point of view, by supposing the abo- forward by every means in our power; and if lition of colonial slavery to be the subject- the people of England continue to urge their matter in dispute between the two houses, or suit, the bill will undoubtedly be carried withrather between the whole country, including out being materially altered. The Duke of the King and the House of Peers, paid a just Wellington and his compeers have, as you tribute to the manly consistency of Lord Grey, have already heard, put forth an address in who, from his first introduction into the the form of a protest; and in that protest he House of Commons, to the present hour, had advances several propositions which I have no always been the steady advocate of parlia-hesitation in declaring unfounded, and directly mentary reform. After reading an extract from the Edinburgh Review, in answer to the question, "What will the Lords do?" which, after describing the state into which the country would be thrown by the two Houses differing upon the Reform Bill, says, that the increase of peers is the remedy which the constitution has provided for this state of things, and which is a necessary check, to

contrary to the truth. (Hear, hear.) I do not mean to say that the Duke has deliberately uttered a falsehood, but I do say, that he and those who have acted with him, are utterly unacquainted with the state of the country as to this great question. The Duke has said the British Government is a monarchy. I do not deny it, but I say it has popular branches as well as a monarchical principle; and therefore

it is more than a monarchy. It is a government and of falsehood. (It is.) Then there is consisting of three estates; and the estates of another consideration, and it is of considerwhich this Government is constituted are, able importance, and that is, what the conseKing, Lords, and Commons. (Hear, hear.) quence will be if Parliament should advance But it is unfortunately constituted of more the qualification of the elective franchise from than three, and the fourth estate is an usurp-101 to 151.? Why, instead of the numbers ation-an oligarchy, that rules over and con- that at present constitute the electors, they trols both King, Lords, and Commons. (Hear.) will very likely be reduced to 3,000 in Leeds, It is to put an end to this oligarchy that we and in the same proportion in other places; are labouring, and therefore, when the Duke and is it a fitting thing that you should have of Wellington asserts that the kingly power is 3,000 people to elect members to represent every thing, he asserts that which is not true 120,000? (No, no.) My opinion is that the in fact, and which I hope never will be true in franchise ought not to have been at 101. but at this country. (Cheering.) But he goes on and 71. (Cries of" 51.," and "Householders.") I says "that no change, however specious, should hear a cry of "householders," and I don't be adopted, which would strike at the prin- mean to euter upon that point now, but I do ciple of the monarchy, or deprive the King of mean to say, that if the franchise is to be althe free and independent exercise of his tered at all, it ought to be made lower and not lawful prerogative." Nothing is more dis- higher. (Hear, hear.) That is my decided tant from us than to assail the monarchy. opinion upon this subject, and I am sure you The duke says, we are not to assail the will give me credit that I don't say it to please King's prerogative; certainly not, we are or displease anybody. It is my practice to met to support it, that is the principal speak what I consider to be the truth, and object we have in view. (Hear, hear.) every honest man ought to pursue that line of Well, then, if that be our purpose, I conduct. (Hear, hear.) But there is a situasuppose the duke will hardly think we are tion in which two branches of the legislature acting in violation of the great principle that are likely to be brought, and that it is a very he has laid down; on the contrary, he will curious one. It has been glanced at by Mr. think that we are acting in support of that Wailes in his elaborate speech, and with great principle; because, how is this prerogative to spirit. We will suppose the bill having now be more fitly employed than when it is for the passed the House of Commons, it comes next benefit of the people for which the prerogative to pass the House of Lords: they have read it was conferred? (Hear.) The duke then goes twice, and many of them have said in pretty on and says, "that the Reform Bill will give intelligible terms that they will reduce it in its a preponderating influence in the election of efficiency. Suppose then, that when this bill the House of Commons to the lowest classes comes to be passed they say the qualification of inhabitants in towns, and close the door of for the elective franchise shall be 151. instead of the House of Commons against the moneyed 10., and that 30 boroughs instead of 60 shall and the colonial interest, and against the heads be disfranchised, or that they resort to any of the great commercial body." Is this true? other manœuvre to destroy its efficacy, how (No, no.) Is it true that this Reform Bill would the matter between them stand? The will give to the lower classes an undue in- Commons have passed one bill and the Lords fluence? (No, no.) My opinion is, that it another, and they each of them are deterwill not give them sufficient influence. (Hear, mined to support their own bill. A conference bear.) It deprives a great many men, who are is then proposed. At that conference they exceedingly fit to exercise the elective fran- both remain inflexible, and in this way a colchise, of that influence which they ought to lision arises. The consequence is, that the possess. (Hear, bear.) Gentlemen, I will wheels of Government would be suspended. prove this to you; and I will prove it, not by To remedy this evil the King is applied to as going to a great distance, but at home. (Hear, the arbitrator. He cannot by his own voice hear.) We happen to have in the borough of settle the point at issue, but there is a mode Leeds no fewer than 120,000 souls. To how prescribed by the constitution, and that is, the many of these persons will this bill, as at pre-power vested in him of creating peers; by the sent constituted, give votes? Will it give votes to half that number? (No.) Will it give votes to one-third of that number? No; out of 120,000 souls it will only give votes to about from 5,000 to 6,000. How, then, is it possible that the Duke of Wellington could stand up and assert that the consequences of this bill will be to give undue influence to the lower classes of the people? The bill itself is as large in its grants as Ministers can carry, but it is the lower class only that it deprives of influence. (Hear, hear.) Very well, then, I say that the persons who have made this assertion have made it, not in the spirit of truth, but in the spirit of error

exercise of which power on behalf of men of right principles the collision is terminated, and the two conflicting branches of the legislature will be reconciled. (Applause.) The object of the address which I shall have the honour to submit for your approbation is at once to produce this happy reconciliation, and to secure to the country the advantages of the Reform Bill in all its efficiency. (Hear.) This is our prayer to the King; and this prayer we have no doubt his Majesty will, at the proper time, of which he and his Ministers must be the best judges, grant to a loyal and dutiful people. Mr. Baines concluded amidst loud applause and clapping of hands.

Mr. BAINES then read the following address, and moved that it should be forwarded to Earl Grey for presentation to his Majesty :

"To the King's most Excellent Majesty. "The humble Address of the inhabitants of the borough of Leeds, in the county of York, in public meeting assembled, ou the 19th of April, 1832.

"Sire,-You are our sheet-anchor-our refuge in the storm. The last necessity appears to be at hand. Resistance to reform and the consequent delay bave unhappily produced deep injury to the most important national interests; our commerce and manufactures are already in an alarming state of stagnation; and the mutilation of the bill would issue in great public dissatisfaction, indignation, and perhaps tumult. Your Majesty fears nothing, and has nothing to fear. You wisely identify yourself with the interests of your people. We know and venerate your Majesty's paternal solicitude for the peace and happiness of your subjects. Some of the Lords in Parliament know but little of the people; they imperfectly appreciate their sentiments and their rights, and appear to misconstrue the use and constitution of their own house. Respect for the House of Peers would not be impared, either by addition to its numbers, or by alteration of its political sentiment, which indeed has become necessary to the pure administration of public affairs.

"We, therefore, most humbly implore that your Majesty in this emergency, will, at the proper moment, by a fearless and liberal exercise of your royal prerogative (in the creation of peers), at once protect us from an oligarchy, and with the aid of your present Ministers, who alone possess the confidence of the public, secure the safety of the bill, and the conservation of the constitution."

may be made to raise the franchise above the 101. householders, and it is our duty to do all we can to prevent this. I, for one, think that. the franchise is now low enough; but I was willing to take what I could get. After adverting to the shortness of the notice convening the meeting, which had brought together more persons than could have been expected, he concluded with expressing his hearty concurrence in the address.

The Chairman then put the address, which was carried with only three dissenting voices. After the address to the King had been agreed to, Mr. Wailes presented himself, and proposed that three times three cheers should be given, which was immediately complied with, amidst hearty cheering and the waving of hats.

Mr. R. HOWARD spoke in favour of the address. After stating that when this bill was first introduced he had advised the people not to be carried away by their feelings in its favour, but to look at it with an eye of patience. He said he did not intend to rescind what he then said, for he still thought that the elective franchise ought to have been given to all householders; but being convinced that the present bill was as large a measure as the Ministers could carry, he was desirous of giving it all the support in his power.

Mr. SMITHSON said that in cases of partnership where one partner was fraudulent, the other party filed a bill against him in Chancery, and he was made to give up that portion which was improperly gained, so, in this case, the bill was filed against the boroughmongers, who must soon render up their spoils. (Hear, hear, and laughter.) He should advise the non-payment of taxes in case the bill were not passed, and concluded by declaring that the proceedings of the day had his cordial ap proval. (Cheers.)

by the reform bill, the more would they be convinced that its success was intimately connected with their best interests. Mr. Clap ham concluded by moving

Mr. JOSHUA BOWER, the President of the Mr. CLAPHAM, in moving a vote of thanks Leeds Political Union, said-I stand forward to the reformers of both Houses of Parliament, to second the address which has been moved said, they were deserving the approbation of by Mr. Baines for the adoption of this meet-the country, for the talent, perseverance, and ing. There has been so much said already zeal they had displayed in support of the meaon the subject on this occasion, aud also at sure which had excited such intense feeling former meetings, that nothing new can be throughout the country. The more they consaid upon it, and I should have contented my-templated the objects designed to be effected self with merely seconding the motion, if it were not for the fear that my townsmen should say Joshua Bower has grown cold in the cause of reform, and that a reaction has taken place. I shall therefore say a few words. In the first place, then, I say that so far from any reaction having taken place, into whatever company I go, whether it be of those who have been politicians 30 or 40 years, or those who have only just begun to inquire, I find Mr. Lus, in seconding the vote of thanks to that they are all more and more in favour of his Majesty's Ministers and the friends of rethe Reform Bill, and that Tories are coming form, for their exertions in the great cause, round more than ever, and nothing can now and its happy and successful issue on the prevent the measure from being carried. second reading, observed, that he attributed Half of the House of Lords are now in favour that success mainly to the generalship of Earl of it, nay more than half; but then the bill Grey. He had displayed great tactic and fi has to go into committee, and there an attempt nesse, he had in fact obtained the second

"That the thanks of this meeting are due to his Majesty's Ministers, aud to the friends of reform in both Houses of Parlia ment, for their persevering efforts in support of the Reform Bill."

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reading not by the friends of the bill but by profound veneration. (Cheers.) It has been its avowed enemies. (Hear, hear.) By, the said by a preceding speaker, that the Ministers management of Earl Grey the "waverers have succeeded in carrying the second reading had voted for the bill, with the avowed intention of the bill by great generalship, skill, and of frittering it down to nothing in the commit-finesse. Sir, I infer from the result of the tee. How did the case really stand? There second reading, that a great change has taken were but a majority present of two, and that place in the opinions of the House of Peers, majority included Lord Wharncliffe and many relative to the necessity for reform, and the of his followers who go into the committee unanimity of the public wish for that measure with the intention of destroying the very vitals of reform which is now before Parliament. It of the bill. It is said that Earl Grey can se- augurs well for the ultimate success of that cure it at once by a creation of peers, but it measure, that the second reading has been should be recollected that to exercise this pre- carried without any exercise of the royal prerogative to a great extent, good and sufficient rogative in the creation of peers. It indicates reasons should be assigned, and Earl Grey had that a great many of those who, when the bill so placed the matter that by the small ma- was thrown out in the last session of Parliajority it was self-evident it could not be car-ment, voted against it, have become convinced ried without a new creation of peers. That he had never been solicited to do, and it was for the people of this country to declare their conviction that it was necessary to be done, and by that means justifying Earl Grey in advising the King to exercise his prerogative in this great and awful emergency. (Applause.) The motion was then agreed to.

Mr. T. PLINT, jun., in proposing a motion to carry the resolutions of the meeting into effect, said—“ At this late hour, Mr. Chairman, I shall not trouble you with many observations; indeed, the resolution which I have to propose does not call for any extended remarks. I cannot, however, resist an inclination to comment upon the subject of the reso. lution just carried, which the importance of that resolution fully justifies. You have been called upon to tender your thanks to the Ministers and those members of the legislature who have supported the bill of reform. (Hear.) There is an opinion on this subject which I never conld bring my mind to prove. It is said by many "We want measures, not men." | Now it is true that the measures attempted or effected by particular public men, are those things by which we determine upon their claims to our respect and gratitude; but it is a cold and selfish policy to accept all which such men effect for their country and for mankind, without returning them our ardent affection and esteem. I never could separate in my mind men from their actions, nor consider that while I praised and admired the latter, it was right to withhold my personal affection from the former; and when we have before us the example of a man who commenced his political career as a reformer nearly forty years ago (for it was in 1793 that Earl, then the hon. Charles, Grey, presented his memorable petition for reform), who has consistently and perseveringly supported all great measures, who long refused office and powers, rather than compromise his principles; and when, more especially, we see that individual crowning his labours by bringing into Parliament, and so far successfully carrying forward a measure of reform,-1 say, sir, that such a man is entitled not merely to the praise of his actions, but to our warmest and most fervent affection, and to our most

that the national desire for reform must be complied with, and will indeed be satisfied only with the whole unmutilated bill. It is nevertheless quite true, that there yet exists a strong and urgent necessity to create peers, either to carry the bill safely through the committee, or, on the third reading, to correct the mutilations it may undergo in the committee. Without such a creation, although the great priuciples of the bill may be preserved in the committee, yet will the provisious of the bill, by which its principles are to be carried into effect, be so altered that it will be sent back to the Commons, shorn of its honours, and no longer worthy of that ardent attachment which is now felt for it by the Commons and the nation. The will of the King, of his Ministers, and of the people, cannot be set at defiance; and all which Earl Grey has hitherto done in dicates to my mind clearly and satisfactorily, that the bill must pass soon, and pass in all its integrity and efficiency. (Cheers.) It is to strengthen the Minister in his determination to carry the bill by the means which he is known to possess, that the address which has been approved by this meeting, is to be forwarded to him for presentation to his Majesty. The influence of the address will be in proportion to the number of signatures which may be attached to it; and I would beg, in conclusion, that each individual now present would sign the address so soon as it shall be laid for public signature, and induce as many as he may possess influence with to do the same.' Mr. Plint moved the following resolution:

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"That the gentlemen who formed the sub-committee for preparing these resolutions be a committee for carrying them into effect, and that they have power to add to their number."

Which motion being seconded, was carried unanimously.

Mr. Marshall having vacated the chair, which was taken by John Clapham, Esq., Mr. Whitehead moved, and Mr. Benjamin Walker seconded the motion, that the thanks of this meeting are due to John Marshall, Esq., for his able and impartial conduct in the chair, which was put and carried by acclama tion.

The meeting, consisting of about 4,000 per

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