sons, and which had been convened at a notice | That is, the principles-for its provisions are little exceeding twelve hours, then dispersed in the utmost harmony.

LONDON POLITICAL UNION. The weekly meeting of the council of this union was held last night (Wednesday, 25th of April) at eight o'clock, at their rooms, Saville-house, Leicester-square, Mr. Taylor being

in the chair.

The Secretary having informed the meeting of some donations to the Union

(THE REFORM BILL)

here its principles-may be altered in consistency with its principles." "But (resumes his lordship) it is said that I will not consent to any alteration. To this assertion { can only repeat the answer I made to a simi lar one last October,-it does not depend on me, but on your lordships. When the bill goes into committee, I shall certainly feel it to be my duty to resist any alterations which I now think inconsistent with the main object which this bill proposes to carry into effect. But if it can be shown that any injustice has inadvertently crept into any one of the schedules; if it can be shown that any qualifica Mr. GEORGE ROGERS, at the request of the tion not so small as 10l. would be less open to committee, rose to move the adoption of cer- fraud and abuse, I will not resist the correctain resolutions which had been considered tion of such circumstances." Now, what worthy their attention, whereou to found the does my Lord Grey mean by injustice inadbases of motions to be proposed to a general vertently having crept into the bill? An inmeeting of the Union. To the propriety of justice, inadvertently, after all the combatings calling this meeting on the 3d of May the and canvassings, the ransackings and recommittee assented, and to the spirit or tenor searches, the carping and hypercritical oppoof the resolutions proposed for its adoption. It sition of one party, and the too easy credulity is high time that the nation should awake from or concession of another? And after the its apathetic lethargy, and should exert itself nights of toil and trouble which the House o to prevent the Reform Bill, now nearly an Commons have spent over the subject in alf chored within the haven of their hopes, from its multifarious details, are now the provil being wrecked, or drifted again to the ocean sions of the bill-nay, its very principles to. of difficulty or despair. He certainly was one be considered the subject of unjust inadver of those who had placed an entire reliance on tence? Is not the ten-pound franchise one of the skill and sincerity of their pilot, and he the most important, not merely of the partihad seen no reason to doubt his integrity, or culars of the bill, but actually of its princito repent a misplaced confidence. Yet, though ples; and shall it now be said that this standhe had every respect for my Lord Grey, he ard was lightly adopted, or that it has inadwas not so sanguine in the exertions of those vertently crept into the bill? And does it who had tendered him their support; many of show a consistency in my Lord Grey, now to whom too much resembled wolves in sheep's endeavour to escape from one of the most proclothing; or as suppliant tigers ready to pounce minent features of the bill, by terming it not upon their prey. There was very little doubt a principle, but an expedient provision that that the knot of pseudo-reformers, who have has crept inadvertently into the bill? If so, lukewarmly given their support for the second the pledges he has given cannot be redeemed, reading of the bill, will seize every advantage and the confidence of the people has been or grappling with its contents, will exert all misplaced. It therefore becomes doubly estheir influence in endeavouring to smother sential to ascertain minutely what his printheir reluctantly-adopted child, will strain ciples are, and to watch vigilantly and every nerve to render its principles less demo- narrowly the progress of the bill. The cratic, and therefore less useful and less ac- people must be aroused from their appaceptable. At the last meeting of the council rent apathy; and must be made not only he had made some observations on what had to think, but to resolve for themselves. fallen from my Lord Grey, in his reply on the The lukewarmness of their friends should stisecond reading of the bill; and as those ob-mulate to increased exertion; and their atservations had been the subject of many tention should never be abstracted from the adverse remarks in the daily papers since, he subject now postponed, partly, if not princihad procured the best edition of his speech, pally, to try the pulse of popular feeling on in order to set himself and his lordship right the great question. Other subjects have of in the opinion of the people. "Although late been introduced, such as the West India (says his lordship) I think fifty-six boroughs question, to divert the attention of the people ought to be disfranchised-although I should from the prominent topic, just as a tub is be very sorry to see a less number disfran- thrown out to a whale intended to be har chised and although I think the ten-pound pooned. Now or never, should be the watchfranchise is not too great an extension of the word of the people. He then moved the resoqualification, still these provisions are no part lutions, an abstract of which was given in the of the principles of the bill." So says his Chronicle of Thursday last, which were then lordship; and if he is correct, then have the referred to the consideration of the compeople been misled. But his lordship conti-mittee, and were now adopted by that comDues, "And these provisions may be altered mittee for the consideration of the council, in perfect consistency with its principles. preparatory to that of a general meeting,

3

1

They principally relate to the halcyon of pub-nor could any abandonment of principle be lic feeing produced by the operation of the proved by a concession of particular details. Political Unions, in consequence of the con- And it might reasonably be thought, that fidence placed in his Majesty's Ministers, in though his lordship had said he was disposed their endeavours, though slow, to carry into to listen to terms of accommodation, or a moeffect the Reform Bill; but that, should that dification of parts, if any injustice had inadconfidence have been misplaced, or the Bill vertently crept in unnoticed in any former disbe any way mutilated or rejected, the allayed cussions; yet he had guarded himself against feeling will be enraged into a hurricane of po any misrepresentation by what he added, that pular violence detrimental to society, and in- he was not only fully prepared, but resolutely jurious particularly to the privileged orders. determined to resist any alteration of princiIn order to arrest this storm, the people should ple, though he might submit to an amendment exert their every energy to have the Bill passed of a part. The main principles of the bill-the unmutilated and soon. enfranchisement and disfranchisement of a particular number of boroughs or places, and the terms of franchise, were not abandoned by his lordship; and a concession of minutia could not be considered an abandonment of principle or pledge. So, too, he defended strenuously the conduct of Lord Grey with regard to the creation of peers-the mode and time of which, or the propriety or necessity of which, should be left to his lordship, who was or ought to be aware of how far he might with safety depend on the means at present in his power. He did not like a creation of peers for any express purpose; it would establish a dangerous precedent. Lord Grey had a moral and political fame to maintain; and he saw nothing to warrant the suspicion that he would wantonly risk that reputation for which he has been contending during a long career of political turbulence. He had proved his steadfastness and integrity formerly, and he has maintained them entire.

Mr. THOMAS MURPHY could not attribute any feeling in him of confidence towards Lord Grey, much less towards any other of his Majesty's Ministers. In contrasting the conduct of Lord Grey on the present bill, he thought much apathy had been displayed, and much less energy than on the former occasion in October last. The advocacy on the present Occasion was slight, hesitating, and dubious. The postponement of the bill is another argument for confidence. But if no confidence in the courage or sincerity of Lord Grey can be placed, can any be in the integrity of my Lord Melbourne by any who remember his gagging bills of 1816 and 1819, and his conduct as Irish secretary? He then adverted, at great length, to the particulars of the bill, which he said had been so determinedly advocated in the House of Commons by the members of the cabinet, and hoped it should meet the same treatment in the committee of the Lords. He said that though Lord Grey might, of himself, Mr. DANIEL WAKEFIELD also defended the be willing, nay, anxious, to carry the mea- character of Lord Grey, both with regard to sure, those with whom he was surrounded his protection of the bill, and of his own reserved as drawbacks on his powers, therefore lations. He thought the private character of on the confidence of the people. He is the any public man should not be too closely scruacknowledged and avowed associate of those tinized. Success would hold his Lordship up who have proved themselves to be the enemies to the admiration of the present, and the veof the people; some who are recreants in po-neration of future ages; and treachery or neglitics, and others known corruptionists; to lect would procure execrations and contempt. one he extends the hand of fellowship, to Mr. CARTWRIGHT THOMAS, in warmly adanother he succumbs in smiles of blandish-vocating the part of Lord Grey, said it would ment. The 101. franchise he considered one be bad for his lordship to rely on the people as of the most material parts of the bill, since it was better not to attempt universal suffrage in the present state of legislation and society, and that they could not get suffrage by scot and lot; let us, therefore, have the 10. by hook or crook. He animadverted very severely on some of the nobility, particularly those of the cabinet; and on the conduct of Earl Grey in pensiouing his family on the public.

Mr. W. D. SAUL, F.G.S., thought that the only effective and certain remedy for the people, in case of the failure of the bill, was in the non-payment af taxes. This would rouse the legislature to a sense of its injustice and danger. He felt confident of the result of such a procedure.

Mr. WALLIS entered into an elaborate and minute defence of Lord Grey, and said that the interpretation put upon his speech was not warranted by the context;

his sheet anchor; for they were as a vane, that would turn round by every wind, and would desert him at his utmost need. (Cries of" No, no.") The people wish the bill to be carried; but they are lukewarm in their exertions, and would not support determined measures in case of failure. (Cries of "false!") I may be told it is false, but I am persuaded that it is too true. I for one will not pay any taxes should the bill be abandoned or rejected. (Cheers.) But I fear I shall be a sufferer alone, and that the great mass of the nation will look on with fear or a pathetic indifference. (Loud cries of "No, no!"--" false, false !"-we are all determined to do the same!") I am afraid we will be allowed to work out our own independence; and that while the lower classes of the people might anxiously put into practice what they seem determined on, the upper and middle classes would look on unconcerned but for their own share of the spoil. I fear that the

words of Blackwood will be verified-that for the consideration of a General Meeting to there will be disturbance, some bloodshed, be held on Thursday, the 30th of May. and that things will be permitted to return to The council adjourned at a late hour. their former course. (Loud cries of "No, never!" He hoped not; but that the nation would work soon, and securely, and peaceably, its own independence.

Mr. GALLOWAY neither despaired of nor doubted the determination, not merely of the lower classes of society, but of the middle and many of the upper. And as for Mr. Thomas thinking he would be alone in the non-payment of taxes, he begged leave to assure him, not only were others present who would be in the same situation, but that thousands in the city were firmly resolved on the subject. He for one was similarly determined; but he could but think that the resolution would be rendered unnecessary, as he had every hope that the measure would be carried. He knew Lord Grey to be both sincere and determined; but the people must make allowance for his age and his opponents; he cannot act now at seventy with that energy he displayed at forty. A calculation had been made, proving that a majority of six for the second reading had been foreseen; yet even had there been but one it might have been more pleasing, for then his ordship might have resorted to the powers with which he had been entrusted. But his forbearance of the peer creation before the second reading of the bill was wise and prudent; for of those who supported him in the former, thirty would have opposed the present; and of those who now supported, thirty would have been firmly against; thus he would have lost sixty of his present supporters. But he knew that the first motion in the committee would be, that fifty-six be the number of boroughs in Schedule A; and that, if this should be rejected, then the peers will be made. But, though confidence might be placed, it should not be without an exertion on the part of the people.

Messrs. Redman and Detrosier followed on the same side, and Major Revell spoke energetically concerning stopping the supplies, rather than the non-payment of taxes. This was illegal-that constitutional; and should be recommended to, nay, forced upon the House of Commons.

Professor ARNOTT also vindicated the expressions of Lord Grey, who could not have said otherwise but as a dictator or the satellite of a despot; as one who came to decide, not to deliberate.

Mr. J. H. POWELL had been in the House of Lords, and thought that the insinuated threat of the creation of peers by Lord Grey, if found requisite, was a sufficient proof of courage and sincerity, and had been so met with general cheering by the advocates of the measure, and as a warning by its opponents.

RESOLUTIONS.

RESOLVED, That the National Political Union was established at a time of unexampled excitement of political feeling and of great diversity of opinion respecting the Reform Bill, which had been then rejected by the Peers.

That, relying on the pledge of Lord Grey that he would be no party to provisions less efficient than those contained in the bill tendered on his behalf by Lord John Russell, this Union has steadily given its support to the bill as a whole, endeavoured to persuade, and to a considerable extent has succeeded in persuading, the ardent but honest advocates of more extended suffrage to forego their opposition, and unite in support of the Reform Bill which his Majesty's Ministers had proposed.

That, knowing the difficulty with which this sacrifice of honest determination has been obtained, this Council learn with dread the probability that important provisions of the bill will be either mutilated or rejected, to which should Earl Grey consent, the bond of agreement between the people and the noble Earl will be broken and set at nought.

That, in this new extremity, this Council warn the aristocracy generally, and his Majesty's Ministers more particularly, that a mutilation of those provisions of the bill which are important to the industrious classes, will produce consequences equally fatal with those which could not fail to follow a rejection of the bill.

That the storm of political feeling which has in great measure been allayed by the various unions, will rage with violence; and that there is reason to expect that a stop to the payment of taxation and other obligations in society will take place, the consequences of which, it may safely be predicted, would be the utter extinction of the privileged orders.

That, to avert the calamities which would be occasioned by so sudden a change, and to promote a peaceful effectual reform while there is yet time, it is necessary that every man in the country should use all the means in his power in every way he can to promote the passing of the Reform Bill through the Lords' House in the state it has been sent from the Commons.

That the Business Committee be instructed to prepare an address to his Majesty, praying him to adopt all constitutional means in his power to ensure the passing of the Reform Bill unmutilated, and also a petition to the House of Lords, founded upon the foregoing resolutions, for the consideration of a general meet ing of the members of the Union, and that the said meeting be held on Thursday, May 3d, at,

The resolutions were unanimously adopted; and it was ordered that the committee pre-eight o'clock in the evening. pare an address to his Majesty to exert his prerogative, if necessary, to secure the Bill, and also a petition to the House of Peers

From the LONDON GAZETTE,

FRIDAY, APRIL 20, 1832.

INSOLVENTS.
ALLMAND, R., Wem, Shropshire, victualler.
ATKINSON, J., Cockermouth, Cumberland,
slate-manufacturer,

BANKRUPTCY ENLARGED.
REYNOLDS, J., Royston, Herts, carrier.

BANKRUPTS.

LONDON MARKETS.

MARK-LANE, CORN-EXCHANGE, APRIL 23.Our supplies, since this day se'nnight, of wheat from all quarters, and English, Irish, and Scotch malt, moderately good; of Irish oats, foreign flour collectively, as also English and great; of English and Scotch oats, English and foreign barley, as well as beaus, peas, and seeds, from all quarters, very limited.

In this day's market, which, for that of a holiday Monday, was tolerably well attended

BORSLEY, J., Lower Grosvenor-place, boot both by London and country bayers, the trade and shoe-maker.

CHALKEN, W., Warwick-square, Kensing-
ton, boarding-house-keeper.
CROOKS, G., Anglesea-pl., Limehouse, baker.
GADBURY, W.B., Leadenhall-street, woollen-
draper.

GREENACRE, J., Brompton, builder.
HALL, C. jun., Walsall, Staffordshire, brush-
maker.

JAMESON, J., Muscovy-ct., wine-mercbant.
RAMSAY, T. G., and S.Lancaster, Mark-laue,
wine-merchants.

ROOKER, F., Chorlton-row and Manchester, yarn-dealer.

TALBOT, W., Cambridge, watch-maker. VIZE, J.,Crawford-street, Bryanstone-square, stationer.

WILLIAMS, R., Tottenham-ct.-road, chemist. WALKER, T., Burslem, Staffordshire, ironfounder.

SCOTCH SEQUESTRATION. HARVIE, T., Glasgow, inerchant.

TUESDAY, APRIL 24, 1832.

INSOLVENT.

BONSFIELD, S., Heaton Norris, Lancashire, saddler.

BANKRUPTS.

BRICE, E., Bristol, cabinet-maker.
CABORN, G., Horncastle, Lincolnshire, inn-
keeper.

DAVIES, E., Sheffield, draper.

GARDNER, J. L., Little Tower-st., wine-mer.
GILL, W., Upper-st., Islington, linen-draper.
KAYE, W., Chorlton-row, Lancashire, joiner.
LEWIS, R., Portsea, timber-merchant.
MINTIRE, J., and R. Welsh, Cartlett, Pem-
brokeshire, coach-builders.

THOMAS, W., Park-lane, Piccadilly, livery-
stable-keeper.

TOWNSEND, W., Brighthelmstone, Sussex, brewer.

WELLS, T. G., New Park-street, Southwark,

victualler.

SCOTCH SEQUESTRATIONS. MACKENZIE, T., Dundonnell, Edinburgh underwriter.

MORRISON and Ewing, Glasgow, cottonyarn-agents.

was, owing to advanced prices having been for oats, beans, peas, rye, seeds, malt, and flour, most articles stiffly demanded, with wheat, very dull; with barley, ou account of the shortness of its supply, somewhat brisk, at fully last Monday's quotations.

The arrivals this week are large, and the RATHBONE, S. and R., Portobelle, potters. prices ls, lower than on Monday.

Containing, besides all the usual matter of
such a book, a clear and concise
INTRODUCTION TO ENGLISH GRAMMAR.
This I have written by way of
A Stepping Stone to my own
Grammar;

such a thing having been frequently sug-
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