COBBETT'S WEEKLY POLITICAL REGISTER.

VOL.76.-No. 5.]

LONDON, SATURDAY, MAY 5TH, 1832.

"If any would not work neither should he eat."-ST. PAUL TO THE THESSALONIANS, chap. iii. ver. 10.

TO THE

READERS OF THE REGISTER,

On the Designs of the Ministers regard to the Reform Bill.

MY FRIENDS,

with

Kensington, 2d May, 1832.

[Price ls. 28.

gave the reasons on which these fears were founded; and I particularly dwelt on a passage in his speech in the House of Lords on the 13th of April, being his reply in the debate on the second reading of the bill.

This article of mine was the alarmbell to the country, which began to be in motion, in actual motion, on the 18th of April. But, in spite of all the suspicion thus excited, a whole week passed without any one of the ministerial papers offering us a single word, tending to remove the suspicions. The main ground of the suspicions was, a passage in the reply of GREY; and not one of his papers attempted to question the correctness of the report of the passage: nor did any one of them deny, or attempt to deny, the construction which I had put upon that passage; and this construction fairly was, that the 10l. clause formed no part of the How do we stand now? What ought principle of the bill: that that clause we now to think of the designs of the might be altered, and the principle of Ministers with regard to the Reform the bill remain unviolated; that he Bill? In the Register of the 21st of himself should strongly oppose the alApril, I very distinctly declared my tering of it, but that the decision of the opinions as to those designs. I said matter must be left to the Lords. Now, that their words, and more especially if words in the mouth of a minister have their acts, convinced me that GREY the same meaning that they have in the meant to pass the bill through both mouths of other men, these words Houses, with a raising of the 101. quali-mean, that he would take and carry on fication, and to keep his place; and that the bill thus altered: and this I believe the House of Commons would support to have been his meaning and an exhim in so doing; and further, that the pression of his design. other faction wished him to keep his Seeing such a design imputed to him, place upon this condition seeing that would not his newspapers have denied the main body of the people would be the justice of the imputation, if they had worse off, less represented, under a bill dared to deny it? Aye, and if he had like this, than they are at present. I not entertained the design, would not said, that if GREY suffered the bill to be he have taken care, that his newspapers lost, or to be thus mutilated without should deny the justice of the imputamaking peers; if he then kept his tion? Yet, it was not done by any of place; or if he even quitted his place them; nor has he done it up to this without distinctly telling the country, hour. His slaves may say, "What were that the King would not let him make your imputations? Why need he care the peers; I said, that if GREY did either" for your imputations? Perhaps he of these, he would merit the execra- never even heard of them." Very tion of the country; and I further said, true, very likely; and perhaps his newsthat I had my fears that he would. I paper hacks never heard of my imputa

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tions. This is likely enough; but JOSEPH PARKES and the BIRMINGHAM surely, they must all have heard of the POLITICAL COUNCIL. MY CIRCULAR Upon imputations of the same sort, to exactly this subject was inserted in my last the same effect, and put forth at the Register. Mr. PARKES has answered at same time, and that proceeded from the last; his answer came too late for inCOUNCIL OF THE LONDON POLITICAL sertion in the Register last week; but, UNION, who met at, and who issued though the answer was not addressed their declarations from the CROWN-AND- to me, I, supposing that it would appear ANCHOR TAVERN IN THE STRAND! He in the Morning Chronicle, found room and all his hacks, all his sword-police to refer my readers to it. I will now, eulogists, had heard of these declara, my friends, lay it before you; and in it tions even before the 21st of April: you will see a proof of my having been and yet, not a word did any of them say, right all the way through; even down nor has any of them said to this hour to the most minute details. A long In the way of defence of design or of answer to a short question seldom looks explanation of meaning. Dr. BLACK well; but let us hear this answer, which, states fairly enough what others say. you will please to observe, is of great He reports all the declaratious about the importance, when our object is to come 101. clause made at the several meetings; at the designs of those Ministers with but as for himself, he says nothing about whom Mr. PARKES has intercourse. it; and particularly, he says not a word in explanation of the ominous words of "To the Editor of the Morning Chronicle, sword-police GREY, special-commission "Sir,-1. I have seen a printed circuGREY, Irish-tithe-coercion GREY. The" lar addressed by Mr. Cobbett to the Doctor is like the Lord Mayor of Lon-" people of Birmingham and to the redon, spoken of (in the play of Richard "formers in all the great towns, inIII.) by BUCKINGHAM, who had been to "serted also in the Morning Chronicle the Guildhall to proclaim the king" of yesterday, which requires from me “And what said the Lord Mayor! Oh!" a public and immediate reply. "he only repeated what I had said: "2. Mr. Cobbett, on the authority of the Duke hath told us this: thus" some person, imputes to me a conhath his Grace declared': but the "versation with a stranger in some "devil a word from himself!" Thus" bookseller's shop in London, on Wedhas it been with Doctor Black: he "nesday the 18th ult., in substance as pretty faithfully describes the suspicions" follows:and the indignation of others; but 66 the devil a word from himself." Now, as I said before, I know that Dr. BLACK Sees VAUX BROUGHAM and ALTHORP; I know the fact; and what conclusion am I to draw, then, from this abstinence of the Doctor? On most occasions he is by no means shy in the offering of his opinions; and is it not clear, that he is now restrained by his conviction, that GREY not only uttered the words imputed to him, but that he entertains the designs which I have said that I suspect him to entertain? This is clear 3. That a conversation, on the subject to me, and I can see that it is equally" of the Reform Bill may have been clear to the several meetings throughout held by me with a stranger, Mr, the country, in spite of all the efforts of " Cobbett's informant, is probable; bat the London press to keep them in dark-" I have no recollection of such person or conversation, and I assert that the 1 now come to the affair of Mr." report of it, sent to Mr. Cobbett is in

ness.

"1. That I would accept any com

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promise of the Reform Bills. 2. That I would consent to (or not "oppose) the raising of the 101. "town qualification.

"3. That the ardour of the people was abated, or that they would "not keep together.'

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"An inference by Mr. Cobbett, that, assuming the report of this "conversation to be correct, the Ministry intend to raise the "ten-pound franchise.

"correct, and either that his informant" when the rights of freemen are main"misunderstood any remarks of mine," tained. The scot-and-lot electors, who 66 or that they were so brief that my "made the greatest exertions are sacri "sentiments on the subject-matter were "fices at the late general election, and L "not fully expressed. "think unjustly treated, and I trust that "4. My opinions on the Reform Bill" their rights will yet be respected. If "have been so frequently and publicly that franchise had been continued, I "stated, and to the present moment are should have considered that any new

so fully and unreservedly known to" franchise for new places was a gain;、 "most of the leading reformers of Lon-" but I would give no consent to any "don and the country, that I need not" alteration of the present franchise of "detail them on this occasion. I sup- "the English Reform Bill which does "ported the measure as a whole, al-"not continue or increase the popular though I always did and do consider" influence, and further reduce the usurp "it too aristocratic in the preponderat"ation of the boroughmongers. "ing interest given to the landowners, "in the division of counties and in the "franchise.

་ sense, now tells me that if no new

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"7. On the state of public opinion, "I maintain that all classes of reformers throughout the kingdom are more in"5. On the means of carrying the "tensely interested and determined on "Reform Bills, I have on every public" the success of the full measure of reopportunity (and recently as the au- form than at any previous period "thor of the pamphlet on the Preroga"of the discussion; but I assert that "tive of Creating Peers) expressed my the lapse of thirteen months, and "personal opinion that the essentials" the continued delay of the means "could only be secured by an addition" (through new peers) of attaining the to the present peerage. Common end, have lessened the confidence of "the people in the Ministry. They peers are made, the essentials of the" will not renew their petitions to the English Reform Bill will be modified legislature; there is a growing public "and injured; but I have no knowledge feeling to demand and enforce a "of the power or the intentions of the "larger measure of reform; and I do Ministry with respect to new peers, “fear that the reformers will not again" " and I know of no intention of the “unanimously act with the moderation Ministry to alter the Reform Bill now "which has hitherto distinguished this before the Lords. I hope and be-" memorable and peaceful contest: they "lieve that, if necessary, peers will be" will combine and unite to demand a "made; but if any alteration of the bill" "is meditated or passed by any party, I "shall independently act, under the cir"cumstances, in such a way as I judge "the interest of the people requires.

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larger-perhaps too large a-reform ! "8. I must, notwithstanding, state my individual opinion, that Lord Grey "and the Ministry have hitherto for "feited no claim to public confidence

"6. On the subject of the ten-pound" by any reduction of the measure; and "franchise, I have consistently expressed" although I still advocate more strongly my opinions. In public and in private, a creation of new peers, I am not in"and wherever I had any political in-sensible to the difficulties of the Ca “fluence, I have advocated the ancient

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constitutional franchise of scot and "lot as an electoral qualification more "equal and extended, and as preferable "to the ten-pound rent standard. The existing scot-and-lot franchises not comprised in schedules A and B, are "the best parts of the present repre"sentative system, and ought to have

"been wholly preserved, especially" Birmingham, April 25th, 1832."

Here are adissertation and a profession | tory. He had to consider and to consult of faith, in answer to one short question, before he gave his reply; and my real lying in half a line. First of all, how-belief is, that it was not given without ever, look at the date, which is from consulting with his ministerial friends. Birmingham, the 25th of April, though That is my opinion, and I think that Mr. Parkes must have seen my circular the reply itself tends to confirm this on the 22d, unless by such a wonder- opinion: for what did we want from ful accident as we have no right to sup- Mr. PARKES? My correspondent had pose took place. And why did he not informed me, that he had heard Mr. answer sooner? In paragraph 1. (I PARKES say, that he "did not know,” have numbered the paragraphs) he says, that it was better to lose the bill altoThat the thing requires an immediate gether, than have the bill without the reply." Why, then, did he not reply 10l. clause; that "we ought to take as ́ immediately? Why did he suffer three" much as we could get, for it was imdays to pass before he replied? As I" possible to get the whole;" that my stated last week, I sent on Saturday correspondent did not know how difevening, the 21st of April, my circular "ficult it was to keep the people toto Dr. BLACK, to Mr. PLACE, and together;" that "he knew how difficult Lord HoLLand. If Mr. PARKES had" it was, for that he had a great deal been in town, will any one believe" to do with them." Now what we that he did not see the circular on Sun-wanted from Mr. PARKES was a denial day? If he were at Birmingham, there of this, or an avowal of it; and we it was received by Mr. THOMAS ATWOOD, Mr. CHARLES JONES, and Mr. GEORGE EDMONDS, on the SUNDAY. Will any man of sincerity affect to believe, that neither of these gentlemen showed the circular to Mr. PARKES on that Sunday? Can any one believe, that either of these gentlemen would have been guilty of an act like this; which, considering their connexion with Mr. Parkes, would have amounted very nearly to an act of treachery? No: It was not Mr. Parkes's general con-' nobody will believe in either of these duct that we wanted an account of; it two things. Every one will, and must was not his political principles that we believe, that Mr. PARKES saw the cir- were questioning; it was not his opinicular on the Monday, at the very latest; ons about this bill itself that were at all and, therefore, every one will ask why called in question by us; we were it was that that reply, which he himself alarmed at his words about the 10. says the charge required to be immedi-clause, which words implied, that he ate, was put off until the Wednesday? would take the bill without that; this He did not, he may say, see the circular was what alarmed us, and especially me, in the Morning Chronicle till the Wednesday; and that, until he saw it there, he did not deem it worthy of his notice. Very true, I did not think of that; and now I do think of it, I am quite willing to give Mr. PARKES all the benefit of the discovery.

have neither. We have an argument in' answer to a charge, and whenever we have this, we fairly infer that there is an inability to answer satisfactorily, and especially, as is the case here, when the argument is a reply to propositions not at all included in the charge; for look at the four propositions of Mr. PARKES, and you will at once see, that they contain allegations not made by me, nor by my correspondent.

who had been well informed that he frequently saw Lord HOLLAND, VAUX BROUGHAM, and others of the Ministry, and who, without imputing any bad motive to Mr. PARKES, was pretty sure that he spoke that which the Ministry wished him to speak upon the subject. To be frank, however, and not to This was the point, and upon this point suffer my readers to be deceived, let me Mr. Parkes is not explicit even now, observe, that this delay is not to be ac- and we have from him not a word to counted for, except from the difficulty induce us to believe, that he would reof giving it in a manner at all satisfac-probate the perfidy, the matchless per

fidy, of passing the bill and remaining having been thus instrumentol upon the in place, with the working people wholly present occasion. shut out by a raising of the qualification; an act which would, in all time to come, give us another and a shorter name to use instead of that of JUDAS ISCARIOT! I should have liked Mr. Parkes's eighth paragraph much better if he had given us his opinion as to the intentions of the Ministers, instead of his opinion of their conduct as to the bill as it now stands. When a man defends another against a thing that he is not charged with, and is silent upon that which he is charged with, we infer that he has no defence to offer on the latter score. the words of Lord GREY, and at the When you accuse a servant of laziness, menaced alteration. They saw the same and he says that he is no thief, your take place at Leeds, at Newcastle, at answer is, or mine at least is, "I am Morpeth, at Glasgow. And yet they glad of that at any rate." Mr. Parkes were silent! They have, indeed, NOW (quite unnecessarily, as far as I can dis- spoken; but when, and, after all, how? cover) states his "individual opinion Let us see. that Lord GREY and the Ministry have "At a special meeting of the council hitherto forfeited no claim to public "of the Birmingham Political Union, confidence, by any REDUCTION of the" held at the rooms of the Union, in measure." Who says they have? No-" Great Charles-street, this 27th day of body says it. But millions say, and I" April, 1832,

For how stand the facts? The second reading of the bill was carried by those who expressed their determination greatly to alter it in committee, and especially with regard to the 101. clause and Lord GREY said, that it was for the House to decide upon that matter, and that the clause might be altered without a violation of the principle of the bill. The BIRMINGHAM COUNCIL heard and saw all this as well as the rest of us. They saw the LONDON COUNCIL meet, and heard them express their alarm at *

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at any rate say, that Lord GREY has THOMAS ATTWOOD, Esq. in the Chair; forfeited his claim to public confidence "This council considered that the by his speech of the 13th April; and " enemies of reform, and of the peace about this all-important speech Mr." and order of society, have held out the Parkes says not a single word, nor to it "most unfounded representations remakes the slightest allusion. "specting a re-action, an indifference, In his ninth paragraph Mr. Parkes" and an apathy in the public mind, expresses a hope that the reformers will "in the good cause of Parliamentary not be divided; a very good hope, to be" Reform; and considering that a grand sure, but hardly in such a case worth "exhibition of public feeling and deterexpressing, for he may be well assured" mination is thereby rendered abso that "the reformers" will not be divided, lutely necessary, in order to contraand that as to the falling off of those "dict and refute such false and unwho are, in fact, not reformers, it will "founded representations, and in order be, in the end, of no earthly consequence. "to assist in enabling our most excelOne way of preventing all danger of a "lent King and his patriotic Ministers division amongst the reformers them-" to accomplish their great designs for selves is, to prevent them from being "the happiness of the people, and to deceived, to prevent any of them from carry the great measure of reform into being lulled into torpidity through the" a law, uninjured, and unimpaired in instrumentality of the tools of the "all its great parts and provisions, Ministry; and though I accuse them not of the intentions and impute to them no bad motive whatsoever, I must

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1.

"It was resolved unanimously:-)

“That a General Meeting of the

say, and I will say, that my sincere" inhabitants of Birmingham, and its belief is, that the COUNCIL OF BIR-" neighbourhood, be held in the open MINGHAM have but very narrowly 66 space at the foot of Newhall-hill, on escaped incurring the imputation of" Monday, the 7th day of May next, at