"eleven o'clock in the forenoon, for Very good better, however, if the "the purpose of petitioning the House 10l. clause had been specified, and if the "of Lords to complete the great work ground of alarm had been plainly stated, "of national liberty and reconciliation, as at Newcastle and at Morpeth; yes, "and of agreeing to such further reso- better to have hinted, at least, suspicion "lutions as the council may recom-at GREY's language, than have, at such "mend, and the meeting may approve, a moment, buttered him with “ patria"The chair to be taken at twelve o'clock tic." However, very good: "precisely. but when? The LONDON UNION issued their 2. "That this council having here- proclamation on the 18th, LEEDS and "tofore declared that they will cease to GLASGOW, and MORPETH, the same; "labour in the great work of exciting Edinburgh had met; DUDLEY had nearly "the public mind to political objects, stunned THE COUNCIL with its noise. "when the bill of reform shall have And, on the 27th, nine days after we "become law, and when the prosperity have the news from Glasgow, the above "of the lower and middle classes of the takes place; but, not until five days after "people shall have been restored, do the council got my circular about Mr. now think it their duty to recommend PARKES! The council now thinks it. "to their fellow countrymen to declare, its duty to do this. Why not think so "most positively, that if the Bill of Re-before? Why stop to be among the "form should be rejected, or in any last? There was no reason on the 27th way injured or impaired in its great for doing this, which reason did not "parts and provisions, they will never exist on the 14th. No new act had cease to use every possible local exer-been done by anybody in power: the "tion in their power, to obtain a more Parliament was not sitting; nothing "complete and effectual restoration of new had transpired: and again, I ask, "the rights of the people, than the Bill then, what made the council speak now, "of Reform is calculated to give. after having set an example of silence so profound for so many days? 66 3. That this council, feeling deeply grateful to the inhabitants of the town The truth I believe to be this: that "and neighbourhood of Birmingham, the sword-police Ministry, the liberal "for their uniform, peaceful, legal, and Irish-tithe-coercion Ministry, had form66 loyal conduct upon so many occasions, ed the scheme of altering the ten-pound "do earnestly urge and enjoin all per-clause, and chiefly with a view of keep" sons attending the meeting, as they ing me out of Parliament, and all others "value the great objects which they who were likely to act on the fourteen "meet to promote, strictly to respect Manchester propositions. I sincerely "the law, since nothing can tend so believe this; and though the scheme "much to endanger the cause of re- was foolish, though the alteration of "form, and the happiness of the people, the ten-pound clause would not have "as any disorderly conduct or illegal effected their object, and, if they pursue "act upon this occasion of unprecedent- the scheme, will not; still, I believe "ed importance.. that they thought it would; and I 4.That the council do walk, in believe that they had resolved on pur"procession, from the rooms of the suing this scheme, and that GREY'S "Union, in Great Charles-street, to speech was a feeler, and the long ad"Newhall-hill, at eleven o'clock in the journment intended to give time for pre"morning of the intended meeting:paration, for working with the press, and "and that the members and friends of also for working with the UNIONS. "the Union be invited to join in the Whether they sent for Mr. PARKES OF "procession, “THOMAS ATTWOOD, Chairman. "By order of the Council, "BENJAMIN HADLEY, Hon. Secretary." not, is of little consequence; but, if compelled to bet, I would bet that they did. At any rate, I believe that they lost no time in prevailing upon him to urge the COUNCIL to be quiet, and to reconcile them, if possible, to the con- case like this, an apology for such a man templated alterations in the bill. I as THOMAS ATTWOOD. What! a man believe that the COUNCIL was kept quiet possessed of his great abilities, of his by these means, and by no other. great knowledge of the nation's affairs, Now, I do not impute corrupt or bad of his great powers of expression both motives to anybody belonging to this with tongue and pen; a man who has, COUNCIL. I do not impute any bad a hundred times over, proved these motive to Mr. PARKES himself. I do fellows, set after set, to be so many not ascribe the conduct of either of them bands of conceited and mischievous even to folly or to weakness. Few men fools; a man who has seen the creatures are aware, or can be aware, of the diffi- within (as confessed by themselves) culty of avoiding to be misled by men so forty-eight hours of barter, and who full of low craft, and, at the same time, actually then saved them from total clothed with such tremendous power! destruction; a man who has seen this When Mr. O'CONNELL came to Eng-present set just as conceited, as silly and land in 1825, and did me the honour to as obstinate as any of their predecessors; call on me, the very first words I said a man who must despise and scorn and to him were these: "Well, Mr. O'CON- laugh at them. What! such a man sufNELL, let me beseech you to bear in fer himself to be swayed for one single "mind that you are come into hell, and moment by advice from them; suffer "that you have, of course, devils to deal himself to be made their instrument in "with." Poor Mr. Parkes should have smothering the just indignation of the come from Birmingham with this per-people! That such men as the POTTERS suasion well implanted in his mind; of MANCHESTER, who crept out of a and then his dispatches to his court sort of chandler's shop at Tadcaster in would have been very different from Yorkshire, and who, having become what they were, and the result would swells at the former place by carrying have been very different. Well, but on, on a grand scale, a traffic somewhat Mr. Parkes has ten times the sense of resembling that of the three golden any of these people; he must know that balls; that such men should think it an they are a parcel of fools; he must honour to receive a nod from anything laugh at them in his own mind; he having a title or an office; that such must despise them from the bottom of men, when become the sort of ex-officio his heart. Yes, yes; and may, never-meeting-callers, should, like the Westtheless, be made their instrument! minster rump, act, at the instance of the Why, he knows as well as I do, that a fellows in power, as torpedoes on the great part of the fellows in office cannot people, and keep Manchester still, while put a two-membered sentence upon Leeds, Glasgow, and Paisley, are all in paper correctly, if it were for the salva-motion; that such men as these, gorged tion of their souls. Aye, he knows this with conceit as well as with money, well; and yet he deems it an honour to and who think, perhaps, to become lords be permitted to be familiar with them! themselves; that such men should preThe whole Ministry, with the exception vent public meetings, when the object of about three, have not as much talent is to express alarm at the ominous lanas either of the members of the Bir-guage of a Whig Minister; that such mingham Council: and yet these men men should do this is by no means sursuffer themselves to be swayed by them! prising; it is in them natural enough; Astonishing! But such is the effect of but, in a man like Mr. THOMAS ATTa people having been born and brought wood, it is both surprising and unup in the habit of reverencing titles and natural; and it cannot fail to be injurioffices, and if the reform did not root ous to his country, because it inevitably out this vice, this source of general must lessen the confidence of the people degradation, it would be of no use in him, and thereby lessen his power to do that great quantity of public good It is difficult, however, to find, in a which his knowledge and his talents at all. 1 are, in the times that are approaching, | so eminently calculated to produce. However, this will, I warrant, never happen to Mr. ATTWOOD again; and, it will do good," and great good too," by warning others of the danger of coming into personal or literary contact with any of the people belonging to the THING. It ought to be a warning to another gentleman, who has again made his appearance in a remonstrance with me in behalf of the THING, and whose remonstrance I am now about to insert, as follows: 66 O Sir Not being a judge of poetry, I presume not to offer an opinion as to the quality of this, except comparatively, but I have no difficulty in saying that Sir CHARLES's rhyme is better than his reason. For, how stands the matter? I told him that if he would produce me just such proof now, relative to the intentions of the Ministers regarding the ten-pound clause, as he produced me relative to their intentions regarding the same matter late in November last, I should again begin to hope. He tells Ime that he has 66 as good a proof now," and I believe him. But, of what has he "To the Editor of the Morning Chronicle. the proof now? Why, that the Minis"SIR-AS Mr. Cobbett, in his Re-ters are determined not to "fritter away." gister of yesterday, recommends me I do not like this phrase. Not to frit"to be quick in my motions, I take the ter away any of the three GREAT "liberty of again requesting you will PRINCIPLES of the bill. publish the enclosed letter to him in Charles, that will not do! for though "Wednesday morning's Chronicle. In you and all of us say that the 10l. sufso doing, you will be the means of frage is one of the great principles of bringing certain doubting minds to the bill, your "good Minister" says that "the proper use of their senses, and it is not at all a principle of the bill, and teaching them, for the future, to place that the bill may be altered relative to more confidence in a good Minister the ten-pound suffrage, without at all "than they have lately shown. touching the principle of the bill! In this state of things I really cannot begin to hope, except in the sense and pluck of "Wolseley, Sunday Evening.” the people; and in then I have never, for "To WILLIAM COBBETT, Eso. one moment, ceased to hope. As to the "Dear Sir, I hasten to carry into goodness of the Minister being a ground "effect your recommendation-but of confidence, if to pass a law authoriz "must be contented with my way of ing the Privy Council to order at its doing it,—and if you have any confi-discretion the levy of sums of money on the "dence in me, you will believe me when people; if to pass the Irish-tithe coercion "I say, that I Have as good a law; if to arm thousands of police-men of the determination of Ministers with swords, and place a military com"not to fritter away' any of the mander at their head, à la Bourbon; "three great principles, of the bill, if to augment the standing army in time "and the 10l. suffrage is one of them by of peace, so as to make it very nearly acknowledgment, now, as I had when equal to the war-numbers; if to refuse "I gave you reason to hope,' as you to do away with one single pension or "express yourself, last November.' last November. sinecure; if to prosecute the press more "Had my reason been founded only on in eighteen months than it was prosemy former PROOF,' I should not have cuted in any seven years after the time but the "addressed you in the way I did through of Perceval; if to deeds are such as I do not think proper to speak of just now, especially as they cannot fail to present themselves to the mind of Sir Charles; if to do these things be, in Sir Charles's opinion, proof that he is a "good minister," Sir Charles would really oblige us by giving us a 166 66 "I am, Sir, your obedient servant, "the Chronicle. 6 you PROOF "So be thou satisfied, aye, be thou still, "And remain, yours sincerely, Wolseley, Sunday Evening." description of the deeds of what he he expressed a wish that his words might would deem a bad minister; if, in- not be understood to convey an idea of deed, the shorter and better way his want of confidence in Grey; but his would not be to tell us, that a bad words did convey that want of conminister is known by his black colour and fidence. He concluded by calling upon his cloven foot. Come, come, SIR the people to show their determination CHARLES! It is our interest not to be to have their rights; he called on them cajoled and duped. Look at the troops to come forward boldly; and not by any of all sorts drawn round London; look means to be backward in expressing at the rows of houses hired and used as their intentions, for that, as to threats, barracks; look at the swords in the nothing was ever got from the Lords hands of the bands of police; look at without them. He said, that, as to the Charley's common-council voting their 101. clause, the bill was not worth freedom to Grey and Althorp JUST a straw without it; and that, instead AT THIS TIME; look at the poor of eight metropolitan members, there law commission, with STURGES ought to be thirty-four. "What!" BOURNE at the head of it; look at said he, "let the bill linger along thus, the wonderful kindness between GREY "and have the power to pass it at once by and STRATHFIELDSAY: look at all this, making the peers!" Aye, aye: there Sir Charles, and then call on me again 'tis ! Get over that, sword-police Mifor "confidence in a good minister."nister! Get over that, and then you However, let GREY pass the bill without | may do; but, till you get over that, raising the 101. suffrage; or quit his you are in a poor way, though you do place, and tell us that the King will not let him make the peers. Let him do one or the other of these, and then I shall be ready to allow, that, as to this particular matter, he is "a good minister;" and if he do neither of these, you, I hope, will allow, that he is the very worst that we ever had,-SNAP PERCEVAL himself not excepted. wear a sword.". The RESOLUTIONS agreed to and the petition to the Lords were as follows: 2. That this Union therefore declares that it will look upon any infringement of the disfranchising, the enfranchising, or the ten-pound clause, or of that giving a franchise to the metropolitan districts, as an attack upon the principles of reform itself, and will resist it by every legal means in its power. 1. That this Union seizes this opportunity of declaring to the people that although the principles of reform have been recognised by the House of Lords, it has no confidence that that noble House will pass the Reform Bill, unless I shall have plenty of time hereafter the opinion of Englishmen be univerto dilate upon the acts of this "good sally and energetically expressed upon minister," who seems destined to give the subject. a practical proof of the celebrated saying of one of the popes; " It is quite "surprising how very little sense is required to govern mankind!" His Holiness meaned, of course, that the party governing was to have the sword at will, and also the people's purses always open to him. Otherwise it requires great sense to govern mankind. Cheap government requires sense. In short, any fool may govern slaves; but to govern freemen demands wisdom. However, there will be time enough to talk about this hereafter. I must here insert the resolutions and petition of the LONDON POLITICAL UNION, passed last night (it is now Friday, 4th May), Mr. HUME in the chair. Mr. HUME acted a good part here: he blamed the timid conduct of GREY; he blamed his policy; 3. That this Union entertains the warmest feelings of gratitude towards the reformers of Scotland and Ireland for their patriotic and sincere co-opera-> tion in furthering the cause of reform; and will support them in obtaining the same measure of reform in their representation which the Reform Bill will give to England. 4. That an address be presented to his Majesty, founded on these resolutions; and that Messrs. Fox, PLACE, and WAKEFIELD, be appointed to prepare it. 5. That the following petition be presented to the House of Lords :— "To the Right Honourable the Lords 66 "DICK and TOM?" For God's sake get I must conclude, but I must just say this: that if any alteration whatsoever be made in the bill, to raise the qualifi cation for voting, or otherwise having the effect of lessening the number of persons entitled to vote, or to lessen the "Showeth-That in the hope the number of metropolitan members, I will, "bill for amending the representation of to the utmost of my power, whether out "the people in England and Wales,' of Parliament or in Parliament, endea "now before your Lordships, would "become a law in the same state in vour to cause, throughout the whole "which it passed the House of Com-kingdom, a voting by universal suffrage. 66 mons, your petitioners have "deavoured to persuade, and to a con"siderable extent have succeeded in "persuading, the ardent and honest "advocates of more extended suffrage en WM. COBBETT. OF THE "than is thereby provided, to unite in ORIGIN AND PROGRESS support of that measure as a whole. ec That your petitioners submit to your "lordships, that a mutilation of any of "the provisions of the bill which tend "to secure an extension of the elective "franchise, will produce consequences 66 as fatal as those which would as"suredly follow the rejection of the "bill. OF THE INCOME OF THE CHURCH OF SPAIN. (Concluded from No. 3, col. 181, vol. 76.) 25. These donations, and others that could be mentioned, prove that during that time the custom of paying tithes was not generally used in Spain, and that it was introduced by degrees until the 16th century, when it was received by the churches of Spain, although before that epoch there was not a general law to enforce its payment. The Catholic kings were the first who, in 1480, 1501, ordained that tithes should be paid to the church by all their subjects. Alfonso X., Alfonso XI., and John II. decreed, at various times, their payment; but their orders were confined to Seville and Segovia, in whose dioceses this obligation was introduced, in the last city by an old custoin, and in Seville by the Holy Conqueror: therefore, these royal decrees caused no innovation in the other provinces. 26. Notwithstanding the law of the Catholic kings, custom was the rule for |