numerously, attended by buyers. The trade with wheat, oats, barley, malt, beans, and work sixty thousand copies have now been flour, was somewhat brisk at last Monday's published. This is a duodecimo volume, and prices; with peas very dull, at a depression of the price is 3s. bound in boards. from 2s. to 4s. per quarter. In rye or seeds little, if anything, seemed to be doing.

Ladies' Habits and Pelisses, and every description of Clothing for young gentlemen, equally cheap. The whole made from goods of the finest quality, and the CUT and WORK. Containing, besides all the usual matter of MANSHIP not to be surpassed. such a book, a clear and concise

COBBETT'S WEEKLY POLITICAL REGISTER.

VOL. 76. No. 6.]

LONDON, SATURDAY, MAY 12TH, 1832.

CHANGE OF MINISTRY.

Bolt-court, 10th May, 1832.

[Price Is. 28.

upon the Tories built their excuse for changing their tactics: they became friends of reform; and, as will be seen by their speeches, and particularly that of ELLENBOROUGH, of even a more extended reform than that which the bill itself contemplated! Upon a motion of Lord LYNDHURST, respecting the order in which the clanses should be discussed in the committee, Lord GREY UNDER circumstances like the pre-made his stand. He was beaten, on a sent, the great thing to do is to put division, by a great majority. The safely upon record the facts as they have Tories manifestly expected, that as this arisen, and then to offer to the reader was merely a matter of manner of prosuch opinions as the writer may enter-ceeding, he would give way here, and tain respecting those facts, and their that thus he would become their mere consequences. The readers of the Re-tool in carrying on the discussions on gister are aware, that after the Reform the several parts of the bill. He, taught Bill had been read a second time in the at last to do that which he ought to House of Lords, I was of opinion that have done in October, seeing clearly Lord Grey was ready to give up the that he must become the most conmost popular part of the bill in the temptible of men, and finally be voted committee; and that the Tories were out of his place, made his stand at once; willing that he should remain in place moved an adjournment of the committee upon that condition. I have seen and from the 7th to the 10th. In the meanheard nothing to alter that opinion. while, that is to say on the 8th, he went The long adjournment gave the people to Windsor, in company with the Lord time to move, and to express their de- CHANCELLOR; there advised the King termination not to be content with any-to create peers sufficient to enable them thing short of the whole bill. This de- to carry the bill; and the King having termination was expressed so strongly, refused to do this, they tendered the and the expression came pouring in so resignation of their offices, of which, loudly from all quarters, that Lord Grey on the 9th, the King "graciously acsaw nothing short of infamy before cepted." him, if he gave way upon the points above mentioned. The Tories, seeing this, and hearing his declaration, that he would not give way with regard to the 107. clause; and knowing, indeed, that it was impossible for him to give way without infamy, resolved to trip him up altogether; they knowing that the King would not furnish him with the means of carrying on the bill in opposition to them.

When, therefore, the House of Lords met on the 7th of May, a motion was made, which, in fact, was a motion to take the management of the bill wholly out of the hands of the Ministers. It had been read a second time, and there

Below I have inserted the fullest and most accurate reports that I can find, first of the debate of the seventh of May, and second of the debate in both Houses of Parliament of the ninth of May. These contain full information as to the immediate causes of the change of the Ministry. I am writing on Thursday, and shall notice briefly, if I can, to-morrow morning, that which passes to-night in the House of Commons, where, as the reader will perceive from the report of last night's proceedings, a motion is to be made by Lord EBRINGTON for an address to the King on matters relating to this event. To offer opinions as to how the House of Com

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this!

mons will act would be perfectly useless, put together do seem to warrant the since the fact must be known in the opinion that the King had promised course of a very few hours; but I can- Lord GREY to make peers for the not help fearing that that House will second reading, if necessary; and that now show us that there is an absolute he had not promised him, and did not necessity for reforming it; in short, I intend, to make peers after the second fear that it will show that it is per-reading; and that the Tories knew all fectly ready to support the new Ministry; for, though it is possible that there However, with regard to the conduct may be a majority to express their sor- of the King as to this matter; with rerow for the ousting of the late Minis- gard to the question as between him ters, I am of opinion that it will be and his people, the matter stands thus : clearly gathered, from the tone of the he, having the power to make the debate, that the new Ministry will meet peers, had the power to cause his people with no very strenuous opposition. But to have the Reform Bill, and, therefore, what is a vast deal more material is, in refusing to make the peers, he did, what line the Tories will now pursue. in fact, refuse to let his people have the There is the bill in their hands; the Reform Bill, unless, observe, he now King has refused his consent to adopt choose Ministers who will carry through the advice of his late Ministers, in order that bill, and will put it into full execu to enable them to carry the bill through; tion. This is the true state of the case: and the Tories have either to carry that we have no occasion to pester ourselves bill or a better bill through, or to en- with any stories or speculations about counter, in conjunction with the King, promises made by the King; it is nothe effects of the ill-will and resentment thing to us whether he ever made any of the people. promises upon the subject or not. We see a bill brought in and passed by the House of Commons. We see the peo

With regard to the conduct of the King, it does not appear that he ever gave his pledge to the Ministers that he would create the peers sufficient for the tarrying of the bill. It is said, indeed, that he promised them to create the peers if necessary to cause the bill to pass a second reading. This would have been a strange promise to make, and it would be still stranger if it had satisfied them; for, what would have been the use of the second reading, when all the world knows that the bill might have been rendered wholly nugatory in the committee? Yet there are circumstances which seem to countenance this opinion. The curious change of HARROWEY and WHARNCLIFFE; the curious change in some of the BISHOPS; and then WHARNCLIFFE and HARROWBY changing back again after the second reading; there being a majority of thirty-five for LYNDHURST'S My readers will bear me witness that motion, while there was a majority of I have always, from the very first, exnine on the other side for the second pressed my opinion that the King, as reading; HARROWBY and WHARN well as the rest of his family, were deCLIFFE Voting against the Ministers cidedly hostile to any reform of the after the second reading, and voting for Parliament at all, and much more so to them before: all these circumstances a reform of the description provided for

ple everywhere expressing the most earnest wishes that the bill should pass. We hear from every corner of the kingdom expressions of admiration of the King's conduct, and of gratitude for his goodness in becoming the patron of this bill. We see the bill opposed by the Lords; we see the King with power to make their opposition of no avail. We are looking to him for the exercise of that power; it is at last brought to this, that he is to give us the bill or we are not to have it. He refuses to exercise his power, and he therefore refuses to let us have the bill. Unless, as I said before, he choose Ministers who will at once give us this bill or a better bill; and to be better it must be more extensive as to the right of suffrage which it gives.

to think of the conduct of the parties. My readers will recollect, that, in October last, when the bill was thrown out by the Lords without a second read

by this bill. Upon every suitable occasion I have not only expressed this opinion, but in support of it have stated reasons which I never found any one to answer. Whether I looked at the con-ing, I pressed Lord GREY to do one duet of the persons about the court; of two things: make new peers to carry whether I looked at the persons com- the bill in its then form, or resign and posing the select parties of the King tell the people in a most explicit manand Queen; whether I looked at the ner, that the King would not, consent King's movements as towards the city to make the peers; for that this he must or in other directions; whatever I be- do first or last, or be covered with infamy. held indicative of his wishes or inten- This he has done, at last; but mark, the tions as to this matter, presented me vast disadvantage under which he does it with nothing but marks of hostility to now, compared with the having done the bill. But what could any reasona- it in the month of October. If he had ble man want more than the conduct done it then, the majority of the peers of the Tories, and particularly of the were regarded by the people as the bishops! Could any man in his senses decided enemies of all reform whatsobelieve, that they would have voted as ever. Now a majority of the peers, ta they did had they not been well assured majority of those who have turned out that they had the King with them? Lord GREY, profess themselves to be Besides, though Lord GREY has shown friends of reform, and of an extended a disposition to truckle to the Tories; reform too, and even give hints that though he has done things in this way they intend to go further than he has almost surpassing belief; still, would gone. If he had done it then the people he have retained the Commander-in-would have seen no possibility of getchief; would he have retained all the ting a reform except through him, and Tory Lord-Lieutenants; would he have therefore they would have upheld him subjected Ireland to new Tory Lord-as identified with that measure. If he Lieutenants; would he, in short, have had done it then he would, as I then told done these and many other things of him, have been carried down to Windsor the sort that might be named, if he had upon the shoulders of the people. That had the cordial support of the King? I may not be the case now, for though he >am, therefore, disgusted when I hear him has at last done the thing that is right, and BROUGHAM and ALTHORP boasting and though, as respects this reform, the of the uniform kindness and condescen- nation will always owe him great gratision which they have received at the tude, still they máy, I fear, be satisfied hands of the King! This is no more, with his reform though they receive it however, than a repetition of the lan- through other hands. Nevertheless, guage of Lord GREY after he had been better late than never; he has now acted turned out by George III. in 1807. the proper part, and his opponents feel “Kindness and condescension,” indeed! it too! He is out of place and out of Those gentlemen should remember Gil power, but he has made that place and Blas's account of the squeezings and that power a bed of thorns, if ever there huggings of Don CALDERON! Gil Blas were a bed of thorns in this world. drew a very different conclusion from They must now do one of three things these demonstrations of kindness: they carry on the bill and put it in execuset him to calculate the number of tion; bring in a better bill, that is to hours that he should have to remain in say, one more popular; or carry on a office. In short, to give it the mildest Government without taxes. Then let term, to talk in this manner, and under it be observed, they have now to deal such circumstances, is weakness in the with opponents in Parliament who are extreme, and is mischievous, too; be- for the Reform Bill and not against it. cause it puzzles people in general, and They have to deal with men who will makes them hardly know that they have now cordially take part with the people.

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