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tendered their resignation, and that that resignation had been accepted.

the advice which he had rejected; and when this sort of language which they had heard Mr. BARING observed, that he did not affect was used, and when the country was thus to give advice to the noble Lord opposite, nor called upon to make a declaration in favour to that House, but if they were to be called of the Government, it was of importance to upon to make that sort of declaration of which know whether that advice was what he would they had heard from gentlemen who told call the most outrageous and unconstitutional them of agitation, he should wish to suggest that could possibly be given. (Cheers from to those honourable gentlemen, whether that the opposition.) He could only say, that he agitation was not of their own creating. was mistaken in the opinions and feelings of (Cheers from the opposition.) He trusted that the people of England, if a great majority of that House, when it came to consider of the them, instead of participating in the sentiquestion which the noble Lord opposite was ments expressed by his honourable relative to propound to them to-morrow, and which it opposite, did not participate in the objections would then be time enough to enter upon, he he himself felt at the proposal of so unheardbegged, he said, to put forward his hope and of a violation of the constitution. (Hear, expectation that that House would-and if it hear.) Whether the advice given by the did not, it would not answer the expectations Ministers was good or bad, they should proof the sound and sensible part of the country bably hear to-morrow. All that he could say -that it would, while it asserted its own opi-was, that in his opinion it was fitting for nions with proper firmness, do so with due the country to know what that advice respect for the opinions of the other branch of was; and, speaking for himself, he must the Legislature, and that if they were warned say, that the country ought to know it, by the friends of the measure-as warned because, without knowing it, they could not they had been not to act the part of cravens-judge between the Crown and the Ministers. he trusted they would also abstain from Colonel DAVIES said, that although he difacting the part of bullies. Cheers from the fered entirely from the hon. member for opposition.) He had risen chiefly for the pur- Thetford on the question of reform; and alpose of suggesting to the noble Lord, whether though he should cordially co-operate with it was not the custom, on a Minister coming the noble Lord opposite in bringing forward down to that House on an occasion on which the discussion to-morrow, he could not help an administration had broken up, to state the thinking with the honourable Member for grounds of that advice on the rejection of Thetford, that he ought, in justice to his which it had broken up. He recollected an Majesty, to give some declaration to the occasion on which the noble Earl at the head House as to the advice they had given his of the Government that had just retired-he Majesty, and the rejection of which by his meant in the year 1807-then explained to the Majesty had caused their resignation. If the House the grounds on which he had been advice was what it was supposed to be, he compelled to retire. At present, except from must say, that more extravagant or unconstimere rumour out of doors, they knew nothing.tutional advice never could have been given. All that they knew was, that certain advice had been tendered by the Ministers to his Majesty, which his Majesty had rejected, and therefore his Ministers had resigned; aud on that scanty knowledge they were to have the extravagant cheering they had heard on one side, and the denunciations of the conduct of his Majesty, which they had heard on the other-denunciations for so accepting their resignation. (Loud cries of "No, no ;" answered by "Hear, hear.") They were not there to speak of the personal actions of his Majesty, but the Ministers whose resignations had been so tendered and accepted, made that sort of complaint (no, no!)-or that sort of statement of their case, as, if he was correct in his estimation of it, seemed to him hardly decorous towards the Crown, at least if the Crown did not know what that advice was the consequences of the rejection of which they received in that House with so much indignation. (Hear, hear.) For if gentlemen cheered the conduct of the Government so loudly, he took it for granted that they knew what that advice had been, and that they were acquainted with the fact, whether the unprecedented demand upon the King was to create sixty or seventy peers, and whether that was

(Cheers from the opposition.) It had been understood that the King had always hitherto given the Government his support in every constitutional plan which they proposed, and it ought therefore to be known what was the advice they had given to his Majesty on this occasion. He had heard that not only had the Ministers demanded the power of creating sixty or seventy peers, as the honourable Member for Thetford supposed, but that they had asked that a carte blanche should be given them to create one hundred peers if necessary. That demand was not at first refused-the King had taken time to consider it, and when he had considered, he refused it. That was what he (Colonel Davies) had heard; and if that was true, he must say, that in his opinion his Majesty was perfectly justified. That was the report. The noble Lord had not told them one word upon the subject; and he thought that they ought to have a further explanation, that would place this matter in a clear aud distinct light.

Sir R. PEEL: Sir, I shall not anticipate the discussion which the noble Lord proposes to bring on to-morrow; but I beg to express my entire concurrence with the observations made by the hon. member for Thetford, and the

gallant colonel near me, that it is essential, yes, in consequence of what had occurred the in conformity with the usages observed on other night, they had resigned, because the adoccasions like the present, that the noble vice which that occurrence had induced them Lord should state distinctly what are the to give to his Majesty had not been accepted. causes of the dissolution of the Government. What was that advice? What but that MiI do not press upon the noble Lord to answer nisters would not allow the Reform Bill to that question now; but I do trust and believe, pass in that mutilated form by which the that, upon reflection, he will see that that is country and the people would be deceived. the course which has been pursued under si- He hoped that the noble Lord would not ask milar circumstances, and that he will solicit the permission of the King, recommended by the permission of his Majesty to explain in de- the right hon. Baronet. The people of the tail the circumstances which have caused his whole country would stand by the Ministers; resignation. We are not in the habit of refer-and as to the agitation that was talked of, ring to the personal acts of the Sovereign, for that agitation would and ought to continue that which he does is usually done under the until that power which had been taken froin advice and on the responsibility of his Minis-them was restored to them,-being taken ters; but the choice and the acceptance of the from the hands of those who had wrested it resignation of Ministers are almost the only | from them by the grossest hypocrisy and treapersonal acts that the King ever performs, chery. (Hear, hear.) and with the cause of these we ought to be Lord ALTHORP. I wish particularly to say, made acquainted. It is, above all things, ne- that in what I stated to the House at first, 1 cessary, before we take the step now recom- most carefully avoided throwing any blame on mended to us, especially in the present pecu- any one, and especially blame of the nature liar crisis of affairs, that we should know what insinuated by the right hon. Baronet. I hope are the causes which have led to the resigna- I so expressed myself as to guard myself from tion of the Ministers. If the noble Lord has the possibility of any misconstruction. With not the permission of his Majesty, it would be respect to what the right hon. Baronet has improper to ask him now to make the disclo- said with regard to further explanations, I sure of those causes; but I must say that I can only observe, that I do not feel myself think he should request permission of his Ma-authorised at present to say more than I have jesty to do so, in order to give the information to the House.

said. I wish it to be understood, that I do not pledge myself that I shall make any further Mr. JAMES said that he only put a question statement at any future time, but that at preto the noble Lord, but without the slightest sent I have stated all I am at present authowish of drawing from him any statement rised to state. The hon. Member for Thetwhich he might think it imprudent to make. ford has stated the case of 1807 as an example He begged to say that he differed entirely for the present occasion. I was then a memfrom the right hon. Baronet, the member for ber of this House, and I remember that what Tamworth, and from the gallant Colonel. he states as then taking place is quite true. The most just proposition, and the most con- The noble Earl did make a statement of constitutional advice, the Ministers could have siderable length, as to the causes of the resiggiven the King would have been to create nation of himself and his colleagues, but any number of peers that might be necessary the hon. Member will recollect, that there to carry the question of reform. (Cheers and were then circumstances which called for a cries of "No.") He knew that was not the full explanation, but to which there is nothing opinion of the anti-reformers, nor of the pre-analogous in the present case. The reports tended friends of reform, of whom there were a great many. (Cheers.) He thought it would be found that that was the only measure that could be adopted to prevent the collision of the two Houses of Parliament.

Mr. T. DUNCOMBE hoped the noble Lord opposite would persevere in his intention. It was necessary that the people of England should know who were the waverers in that House (cheers), and who were the men that would consistently support the vote which they had given last year, and which, in his opinion, ought now to be repeated. (Hear, hear.) With respect to what the right hon. Baronet had said, he thought that the noble Lord would be guilty of a breach of confidence if he were to state what was the advice that his colleagues had given to the King. The noble Lord had stated sufficient when he told them, that in consequence of what had occurred in another place on Monday night (No, no, from the opposition);

which were then in existence varied much from each other. There were then imputations on the character and conduct of the Ministers, and it was necessary for them to obtain from his Majesty permission to make the statement. Such circumstances do not at present exist, and there is not in the case now so much of complexity as on that occasion, and therefore I do not think myself called on to make a more detailed statement than I have done.

Mr. MACAULAY: I should have said nothing, Sir, upon this subject, but for the remarks which have fallen from the hon. member for Thetford; but, in the first place, I wish to confirm my noble friend in his statement, that, in all the observations he made, there was not one single syllable that, in the slightest degree, could be construed as disrespectful to his Majesty. (Hear, bear,) And as we are on the eve of a discussion of importance, and which is likely to pro

duce considerable agitation in the country, protest, in the name of every Member of this House, against that unconstitutional doctrine, that doctrine so subversive of the freedom of debate, that the Members of this House, who speak with approbation of the conduct of the Ministers, or who say that they regret that the advice given by the Ministers was not adopted and acted upon, shall be construed to have spoken inconsistently with that affection which

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THE GERMAN FROWS. A CORRESPONDENT calls upon me to inquire, why these nasty, freckled, rough-hided, half-masculine devils are suffered to carry on their puddling traffic in England, and to such an extent as they do it. They are, as he truly says, everywhere; for, last summer, I saw a we all feel for the person, the House, and the office of our Sovereign. (Hear, hear.) I claim couple of the filthy beasts lying under a the freedom of speech for myself and for all the hedge lousing one another, near SwalMembers of this House collectively-that free-lowfield, in Berkshire; and last winter dom of speech which you, Sir, on the first day I saw several of them tramping about of the meeting of this Parliament, claimed for in their skull-caps and kelts, in the us from the King; aud 1 demand that any re

Mr. BARING explained.

marks we may make on the change of Ad-towns in Yorkshire. These wretches
ministration shall not be construed into the cannot have licenses; agreeably to the
expression of any doubt that our Sovereign, in law, they cannot have them. And, why
all the conduct he has pursued, has been ac-
tuated by any other motive than the most
are these nasty devils to be suffered to
sincere and single desire to promote the good set the law at defiance? If an English
of his people. (Cheers.) I shall now, Sir, say woman were to hawk without a license,
no more, than to entreat my noble Friend to she would be instantly fined, or impri-
persevere in the motion of which he has given soned.
notice.
Why, then, are these German
devils exempted from the effects of law?
Lord MILTON fully concurred with what What claim have they to this special
had fallen from the honourable and learned indulgence? What the bad-favoured
Member who had just addressed them. He devils rake together, they send away,
was desirous of making one remark upon I dare say, to their beggarly homes.
what had fallen from the right honourable
Baronet opposite, who had stated that there How long, how long, O Lord! are we
were but two personal acts of the Kingly Go-to endure the injury and the disgrace
vernment-of which the choice of Ministers which these nasty impudent devils are
was one, and the acceptance of their resigna-
inflicting upon us? The people ought,
everywhere, to seize them, take them
before the nearest magistrate, give
them a dance upon the tread-mill, and
then let them go back to cry
Py a
in the beggarly holes out of

tion another. He was afraid that if that opi-
nion, so expressed, by a gentleman of high
character in that House, received the unop-
posed sanction of the House, there would be an
end of the responsibility of the Crown. He
thought that, for the sake of public peace and
tranquillity, they must maintain that the re-proom
sponsibility, in both cases, rested on the offi-
cial advisers of the Crown.

Sir. R. PEEL could not see the danger the noble Lord apprehended. When a man accepted an office tendered him, he became responsible; but the tender itself was surely an act of the Crown.

Lord EBRINGION pledged himself to persevere in the motion for to-morrow, On any other occasion he should readily adopt the suggestion of his noble Friend, but on the present he thought that the public interest imperiously demanded the discussion he proposed. The people ought to know what was the opinion of that House, and whether hon. members would repeat the declaration which they had last year made of their firm attachment to the principles of the Reform Bill. He should also persevere in insisting on a call of the house, not with a view of enforcing the attendance of members who were at a great distance, but in order to secure the attendance of all those who were now in or near London, that their opinions might be known to their

constituents.

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From the LONDON GAZETTE,
FRIDAY, MAY 4, 1832.

BANKRUPTS.

ACRES, H. W., Shadwell-market, victualler.
BAKER, R., and J. Harley, Southampton,

stone-masons.

BATH, W., Bayswater, victualler.
BIRNIE, J. R., Basingstoke, Hampshire, and
Finley, Surrey, wharfinger.
BUTTERWORTH, W., Oldham and Heaton
Norris, cotton-spinner.
DENSEM, W., Bath, tailor.
EDMONSON, T., Carlisle, upholsterer.
FIELDING, J., and W. Tebbutt, Manchester,
cotton-merchants.

HEATH, J., and S. Powell, Bristol, hatters.
KIFT, A., Bristol and Bedminster, apothecary,
LINES, W., and J. Fisher, Ipswich, maltsters,

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APPLEYARD, J., Leeds, dyer.

BLACKFORD, J., Devonport, watchmaker. COCHRANE, J., Waterloo-place, Pall Mall, bookseller.

COOPER, G., Exeter, stationer.

COPE, E., Birmingham, liquor-merchant. CREAGHE, R. and C., Dublin, merchants. DILLON, J., and A. Steward, Mincing-lane, wine-brokers.

EVANS, J., Chester, Norfolk, needle-maker and innkeeper.

FAULKNER, W. C., Dublin, merchant. HEAWARD, J., Rochdale, Lancashire, farmer. ROGERS, J., Rochdale, Lancashire, draper. SHEPPARD, G., Almondsbury, Gloucestershire, victualler.

TEMPLE, J., Myton, Kingston-upon-Hull, common-brewer.

WALKER,T.,High Holborn, tallow-chandler. WAREING, W., Hollowell, Northamptonshire, miller.

WHITWORTH, R., and J. Bennett, Horwich,
Lacashire, cotton-spinners.
WILLIAMS, T., Newport, Monmouthshire,
rope and twine-spinner.

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Bacon, Middles, new, 44s. to 49s. per cwt.
Sides, new... 48s. to 52s.

Pork, India, new.... 130s. Od. to -s.
Pork, Mess, new ...75s. Od. to ―s. per barl.
Butter, Belfast
....80s. to 86s. per cwt.
Carlow .....70s. to 80s.
Cork ......80s. to 82s.
Limerick..80s. to 82s.
Waterford..70s. to -s.
Dublin ....74s. to -s.

Cheese, Cheshire....54s. to 74s.

Gloucester, Double..52s. to 62s.
Gloucester, Single... 42s. to 56s.
Edam
Gouda

.......

......

.49s. to 54s.

48s. to 50s.

Hams, Irish........ 64s. to 68s.
SMITHFIELD.-May 7.

This day's market exhibited throughout a good supply, but the trade was dull; with mutton at a depression of 2d.-veal from 2d. to 4d. per stone; with beef, lamb, and pork, at barely Friday's prices.

Beasts, 2,585; sheep and lambs, 16,390; calves, 133; pigs, 190.

MARK-LANE.-Friday, May 11.

The supplies this week are good. The market is very dull, and the prices 1s. lower doing. than on Monday, with very little business

3 per Cent.

YOUNG, B., Downham-market, Norfolk, Cons. Aun.

common-brewer.

LONDON MARKETS.

MARK-LANE, CORN-EXCHANGE, MAY 7.— Our supplies have been rather limited since this day se'nnight, as to English wheat, barley, oats, rye, beans, and peas: of Irish, Scotch, and foreign wheat, foreign barley, English and Scotch malt, Irish oats, English, Irish, and Scotch flour, the supply was moderately good: of seeds, from all quarters, very limited. This day's market was tolerably well attended both by London and country buyers; but the trade, owing to advanced prices being stiffly demanded, was very dull, at but little, if any, variation from last week's quotations.

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"If you had resigned at that time (on the "10th October, 1831), and told the people "the King would not let you make the peers, as you must do at last, the King would have " seen the great and instant impression pro-" "duced upon the whole kingdom; and I "have not the smallest doubt, that a successor "to you would not have been appointed.". Cobbett's Letter to Lord Grey, Register, 19th November, 1831.

TO LORD GREY.

Kensington, 16th May, 1832.

--

generalship is swept away for ever; away goes your name from the corners of the streets, and down comes your picture from the sign-posts."-To Duke Wellington, Register, Vol. 65. Feb. 23, 1828.

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Now, my Lord, pray do not join your parasites, when they affect to laugh at the warning that I am about to give you. To-day you stand high; but, to MY LORD, stand high to-morrow, and to continue I BEG you to look at the above to stand high, you must act a just and MOTTO. It was addressed to you, as a wise part; and to do this, you must you will perhaps remember, in Novem- begin by doing what you never yet did, ber last. It was then matter of opinion that is, think highly of the rights and of with me: it is now matter of history. the power of the people. The want of I do not bring it forward in the way of this way of thinking has been the bane boasting of my sagacity; but with the of your administration, and, indeed, of hope of its tending to induce you to your political life. Very numerous are listen to the advice that I am about the letters which, in print, I have adto offer you now : a vain hope, very dressed to you; and in hardly any one likely; for with you, as with all your of them did I ever omit to tell you, predecessors, to deem advice fit only to that, without the people at your back, be rejected with scorn, it has been sufli- you never could have any real political cient that that advice came from me. In power, and never long keep possession numerous cases, as in this, my advice of place. Yet you have always acted has been followed at last; but in no one as if you despised the very thought of case, any more than in this, until relying upon the people for support. enormous mischief had arisen from not When you came into office, you denied following it in time. Will all this expe- that they had any abstract right to rience be a warning to you now? No: choose their representatives. You said, pride and your parasites will not let you that they had a right to good governlisten, though you have now escaped by ment; and of course you were to be the a miracle. I, however, shall proceed in judge of what was good. In moving for my old way; give my advice, foretell the second reading of the REFORM BILL the consequences of its being rejected, the last time, you took great merit to yourand, when the consequences come, self for having set popular clamour" laugh at those by whom the advice has at nought. This tone and this dispobeen despised, just as I now laugh at sition have been apparent in all your your rival, who has been discomfited, words and actions since you came into not by you, but by the people, and the office. You wished the reform to take people alone. I told him, when he place, but you scorned the thought of

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