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would not create peers that led to the discomfiture of the bill. Without that treacherous disclosure, it is thought, by those who are good judges, that the bill might have been passed, unimpaired and unmutilated, without the creation of more than half a dozen peers. We ask whether a letter was not shown to the bishops a few hours before the division on Lord Lyndhurst's motion, which convinced them that peers would not be created in such numbers as to overcome the resistance of evil-disposed peers ? The bishops have a quick scent. It is, however, but justice to the bi

illustrious family, 'in their systematic and persevering attempts to misrepresent the conduct of the late administration. By whom were they elevated to distinctions, which were refused them by the Duke of Wellington? and for what reasons, have they turned upon those, who made themselves responsible for the indulgence of their royal parents' feelings towards them, in placing them on a level in society with the nobility and gentry of the country? We have heard it reported, that Lord Munster has always given a hesitating and reluctant vote on the different stages of the Reform Bill-that soon after its first in-shops of London, Chester, Chichester, and St. troduction, he quarrelled with his father, to whom he has been only pleased to be reconciled since Lord Grey's removal from office. Was this difference caused by a refusal to create him Duke of Clarence, or by the impossibility of complying with insatiable demands for money-or by his enmity to reform? But, to whatever cause it is to be ascribed, we counsel him to be circumspect in his conversations and conduct. The eyes of the

David's, to proclaim to the world, that though such a document was shown to them as well as to the rest of their brethren, they refused to how the knee to Baal, but adhered to their pledges.

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Upon the first of these monstrous libels, I shall only remark, that I never called the Queen, or any person known public are upon the whole family, and the to the court, "a nasty German frow." people will not brook their interference in the I never called anybody a German frow, affairs of this nation. Upon what grounds except the nasty, freckled, rough-hided, and authority does he venture to assert in so-devils that go about the country in ciety that no promise was made by his Majesty skull-caps and kilts, crying to his late Ministers, to create any number of "Py a peers which the exigency of the case might proom; and whom this emigration require, to carry the Reform Bill? We dare Ministry suffer to swarm all over the him to the proof of his assertion. He is either country, while they tax us to get away ignorant, or he is guilty of gross misrepre- the English working people, upon the sentation--we have too much charity to believe the latter; and if his anti-reforming pretended ground that they are too nuzeal on this occasion is prompted by igno- merous. I never made even an allusion rance, he should without delay consult Lords to the Queen, or to any lady belonging Wharncliffe and Harrowby, or his friend the to the court; and I desire you, my Duke of Wellington, who has now access to WRITTEN DOCUMENTS on this subject. friends, to join me in reprobating this villanous species of misrepresentation.

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Will the public believe that this man, who thus arrays himself against the wishes and With regard to libel No. 2, the li hopes of the people, aspires, through his con- beller, being a Whig, is, I think, indisnexion with the Crown and the protection creet as well as libellous; for he tells of a Polignac administration, to the government of India? We tell him he has us that the Duke of Wellington refused chosen the wrong path to such an object. to elevate the Fitzjordans to distincWhat House of Commons-we would rather tion. Indeed! I would not have told say, what House of the representatives of this if I had been a partisan of Lord the people would permit such an insult to their feelings, or sanction such a reward Grey. Libel No. 3. relates to a curious for ingratitude, tergiversation, and perfidy? matter; the truth with regard to which The times for such jobs are, thank God, will probably come out in the end, 01 gone by. But I cannot dismiss these libels without bestowing upon them that reprobation which they deserve, and without observing that this is the language of that which, in the slang of the House of Commons, has been called the spectable part of the press." I can remember, when Messrs. LEIGH and JOHN HUNT were imprisoned two years, and fined 500l. each, for what was called a libel on the Prince Regent, not

LIBEL, No. 3.

The contest of the House of Lords with regard to the Reform Bill ought to be placed in a clear light, Nothing, in fact can equal the baseness displayed by a number of peers, and the bishops in general. Mr. HUME was in the right when he said, from what he knew of the House of Lords, it would not have been necessary to create ten peers, had it been believed by them that the King would certainly create peers. It was the treacherous disclosure by some of the Fitzclarences that the King

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House of Lords that he had received a

a ten thousandth part so virulent as any one of these. The bloody old Times communication from the King; and newspaper, which is the most infamous that for that reason he moved an adpiece of printing that ever disgraced ink journment of the House to Thursday, and paper, has, if possible, poured forth the 17th of May. It is now the middle libels still more infamous than these; of that day: and I expect to be able, the libels of this bloody paper I have before I conclude this letter, to an had to endure for a great many years. nounce to you that the Whig-Ministers But I must cease to complain, now that are re-instated in their offices; and that, it attacks the King himself, even in a somehow or other, the passing of the more villanous manner than ever it at- bill by the Lords is to be made sure; tacked me. Let it see a prospect of and that every lover of freedom upon gain arising from it, and it would at- the face of the earth will have to be tack with equal virulence the King of grateful to the people of this kingdom kings. for their wonderful exertions during this wonderful week.

From newspapers, let us now turn to Bank paper. Amongst the means All have behaved in so admirable a which were put into motion on Mon- manner; all have been so prompt, have day, the 14th of May, was a run upon shown so much spirit and so much wisthe Bank for gold, agreeably to the dom, that it would be difficult to select placard before-mentioned, which was any portion of the people entitled to put out on Saturday evening, the 12th pre-eminence in public virtue: but, if of May. The run began on Monday one were compelled to cite an instance morning, and continued with great of promptitude and spirit perfectly prospirit, until it was known that Lord digious, it gives me particular pleasure Grey was to return to power. On to observe, that justice would compel Monday evening, the 14th of May, the pen of the eulogist to write down there took place in the House of Commons that debate which you will find inserted at full length in another part of this Register, which debate I call the reconciliation debate, and which you will find it impossible to read through without repeating to yourself a wellknown passage of the poet :

the name of MANCHESTER ! In that town, the name of which is known throughout the world, and throughout the world is synonimous with all the qualities aud virtues connected with the most wonderful creative industry; in that town, two hundred miles distant from the court, the news of the King's refusal and of Lord Grey's resignation did "Brother, brother, we are both in the wrong ?" not arrive until the morning of ThursUpon this debate I shall hereafter day, the 10th of May. Before the evenhave plenty of opportunities of remark-ing of that day, a petition signed by being, especially upon the speeches of tween 20 and 30 thousand persons, prayBARING, which you will find worthy of ing the House of Commons to stop all the greatest attention; for this loan-supplies, was sent off to London, where monger was, it seems, to have been it actually arrived the next day; so that, Strathfieldsay's Chancellor of the Ex-though Manchester was at two hundred chequer. However, as connected with miles distance, there were but about the present subject, this debate clearly seventy hours between the refusal of the proved that the people had triumph-King and the arrival of the petition in ed; and 1 am satisfied that that London, signed by twenty-five thou triumph was very much hastened by sand persons at the least. To their hothe run upon the Bank. The people nour I record, that JOHN SHUTTLEwere working in all sorts of ways; but wORTH, RICHARD POTTER, and JOHN this was certainly the most effectual of FIELDEN, were the bearers of this pe their movements. tition. On Tuesday evening, the 15th of And, now, my friends, is there, after May, Lord Grey announced to the this, any bloated boroughmonger impu

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dent enough to entertain the hope of in 'tother place, that “the ministry was subduing the people of England, or of formed." Do, pray, read BARING'S cajoling them out of their resolution to speeches in this debate, and, at the have cheap government? How often same time, remember how many times did I endeavour to impress upon your he has asserted, that this reform was minds the important truths, that our a revolution, and that it must. destroy deliverance depended upon ourselves; the monarchy; for they have now the that we had no hope but in our own impudence to call it a monarchy," as exertions; and that to induce us to glibly as they talk of the " imperial make those exertions, we must clearly bushel," or of selling the dead bodies of understand beforehand the good which the poor. Look at BARING in this dewould arise to us from a reform of bute! See what a figure he makes! the Parliament. Often was I told, mark his fright. that the promulgation of my proposi- The proceedings, in the two houses last tions would frighten the Lords, and night, show, that nothing was settled would induce them to refuse to pass the as to the means of passing the bill. Lord bill. Often was I told this; and as GREY having been asked, whether the often did I answer, They will never king had, at last, accepted his advice, pass it unless compelled by the popular gave, as the report says, the following voice, and by resolute conduct on the answer: "Earl GREY repeated, that the part of the people; and, to produce that" communication which he had received resolute conduct in the people, you must "from his Majesty had not yet led to first make the people clearly see that the " any conclusive result. More than that bill would be a great benefit to them." he did not feel himself called upon to Men do not bestir themselves without a 66 say. In fact, he had on Tuesday motive; and the motive must be strong "stated all that he could now state. in proportion as the risk or the incon- charge had that evening been made venience is great. It has, therefore, against him by a noble Lord, as if he been the object of my strenuous exer- "had been guilty, as a Minister, of tions, to furnish this strong motive;" most improper conduct in respectfully and whatever share will be my due in " tendering his resignation to his Soveeffecting this great national object, will" reign. He was not aware, however, have to be ascribed to those LECTURES, "that in so doing he had done more which were delivered to you last winter," than many other Ministers before him. and whatever degree of merit those" But it was asserted that he had taken lectures may possess, will be to be chiefly" this step when he was aware that no ascribed to the ambition which I had" other administration could be formed., to stand high in your esteem. "What reason, however, was there for supposing that no other administra"tion could be formed; their Lordships 66 WM. COBBETT. having been told over and over again FRIDAY MORNING, SEVEN O'CLOCK.- by noble Lords opposite, that they I have room for very little. The fol- were the most fit persons to form a Milowing debate is long; but the matter, nistry. If his Majesty were left alone and every word of it, we shall want to on this occasion, it was in conserefer to almost incessantly for some time quence of the advice of the noble Lords to come. It contains the unravelling opposite, and not in consequence of of the plot of the most interesting "his (Lord Grey's) advice, or that of his drama that we ever beheld. 66 It friends. This, however, he would was produced by the resolution of "distinctly state to the noble Marquess, the people, and especially by the run" that unless he (Lord Grey) could be upon the old she devil of Thread-" assured of the means of carrying the needle-street, who was all in a cold" Reform Bill in a perfectly efficient sweat, when she shut her doors on the "state, he would not remain in office." evening of this debate. CAERNARVON That's good. But I have now only. (Oh, that Herbert!) had just told them, time to add, that I believe, that I firmly

I am, your faithful friend,
And most obedient Servant,

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believe, that if this state of things continue another week, a handful of paper money will not purchase a pot of beer. The run upon the Bank continued yesterday as great as it was on Saturday. No tradespeople in London will now change a five-pound note. Several have notified by bills stuck in their windows, that they will not take banknotes in payment: every one is providing himself with gold as far as he is able. Many a time have I cautioned my readers to be prepared for this state of things. I repeat the warning now for, and let them well observe it, that, if the Bank stop now, five pounds in paper-money may not be worth one single shilling, if the run continue for only a few days longer, there must be, what was called a Bank restriction; because, without that, all must be instant confusion; and, if that measure be adopted, Bank-notes must be made a legal tender: then there will be two prices in the market; the taxes will be paid in paper; the dividends will be paid in paper; and, what is called a hundred pounds stock will perhaps soon be worth less than twenty shillings.

from the City of London, agreed to at a full meeting of the Livery in Common Hall asMember for Thetford, if he was in the House, would say that this was a foolish petition; but perhaps he would, for he had asserted the same thing of the petition of the Court of Common Council, who were not usually accustomed to send up foolish petitions to that House, or to any other body. Some of the gentlemen who had voted this petition, though Thetford, were possessed of property varying not quite so rich as the hon. Member for. from 100,000l. to one million. That circumstance alone, he admitted, would not prevent them from sending up a foolish petition (a do it as men of less property; but he did not laugh); they were perhaps quite as likely to think they had done so in the present instance. They had carefully considered the petition they had agreed to, and they felt strongly the same desire with the country at large, that the Reform Bill introduced by the late Ministry was absolutely required to be passed. Though the effect of that bill would be to limit the franchise possessed by some of them as Liverysacrifice that private and personal advantage, men of London, still they were willing to in order to obtain a measure which they thought would be beneficial to the country at large. The petitioners prayed the House to refuse any further supplies to the executive and with that prayer he most fully concurred. till the Reform Bill was passed into a lawHe could only say for himself, that he agreed

sembled. He wondered whether the hon.

with every word of the petition, and that he should certainly vote against all supplies till (Hear, the Reform Bill had become law. hear, hear.)

Once more I beseech all my readers to pay attention to this. Land and goods are things that will not lose their Mr. Alderman THOMPSON wished to say a value; but a state of things is now few words upon this petition. It was one likely to come, when no paper represen-which had been passed at a full meeting of tutive of money (be that paper of what sort it may) will be worth one single

straw.

I hope, my friends, that you will proceed as you have done; that you will by no means slacken in your efforts, until the reform be actually accomplished.

I remain your faithful friend,

And most obedient Servant,

the Livery in Common Hall assembled, and was therefore entitled to every consideration.

He was convinced it was impossible for any

Government to carry on the affairs of this country unless they adopted the principles of the Reform Bill (hear, hear), because there was a vast majority of ever class of the people who were in favour of it, and were most anxious that its enactments should become law. He should say but a very few words on the other part of the prayer of the petition, namely, with respect to the stopping of the

supplies. WM. COBBETT.

HOUSE OF COMMONS.

It was undoubtedly within the power of the House of Commons to refuse the supplies, but it was a power which ought to be exercised with the greatest care and caution; as, whenever such a circumstance took place, it must disarrange all the transactions of commercial life, and be productive of the most dreadful consequences of such consequences as it was the object of the Reform Bill to avert. Whenever circumstances arose that were supposed to call for resorting to such a measure, he should endeavour to act with all the discretion that it was possible could be used under the particular circumstances of the Mr. Alderman Wood presented a petition | case, but he trusted it never would arise. With

14th May, 1832.

Debate on the projects of the Duke of Wel lington, and on his being again Prime Minister -which debate arose on the presenting of a petition from the Livery of London, by the hands of Mr. ALDERMAN WOOD.

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the other part of the petition he most cordially | ance of Heaven on the principles of this bill concurred. (tremendous cheering), that he can come Lord EBRINGTON (who sat on the right, or round to support this bill, or any bill that is Ministerial side of the House) said-Sir, founded on the same principle? (Cheering.) Į Upon the subject to which this petition relates hope, I trust, I know him better, than to be I have a few words to address to the House-lieve him capable of adopting such a course. I allude to the reports which have this morn- (Cheers.) I hope, if political principle still ing gained general publicity, and which have continues to have any sway whatever over produced a degree of general excitement men (hear, hear, hear)—if anything like pubsuperior to any that we have yet seen con- lic morality (cheers) still exists, that neither nected with the passing of the Reform Bill, in this nor the other House of Parliament will and which, I think I may add, have also ex- one Gentleman be found, who denounced this cited general consternation. I allude to the re- measure as nothing less than spoliation and ports of his Grace the Duke of Wellington hav-robbery, to support it, merely because it is ing received his Majesty's commands to form proposed under a new Administration; that an Administration (hear, hear); and if there none will be found who, at the bidding of any be here any gentleman who has information one man, can thus turn their backs on all that that can satisfy the House of Commons upon they have before so solemnly asserted. (Hear, this matter, I implore him to give us that in- hear, hear.) If, however, that should be the formation. It, as every gentleman well knows, case, I shall console myself with feeling that is further said that the Duke of Wellington the course which I have pursued, and which has accepted office on condition of bringing my honourable friends around me have purin the Reform Bill-I was going to say-but sued, has not been so inconsistent; and that, of carrying on the Reform Bill-that bill, the though others may desert their principles, we heads of which were propounded by Lord have never betrayed ours. (Loud cheering.) Ellenborough, after the vote of the other If the bill, as propounded by Lord EllenboHouse, which led to the retirement of the late rough, should be brought into the House of Administration. (Hear, hear, hear.) Now, Peers, and after being carried there, should be Sir, I stated on a former occasion that it was brought into this House, to that bill, unless, not my wish to throw any unnecessary embar- in the interval, he should again change his rassments in the way of forming a Ministry; mind (hear, hear, hear), and depart from the and I can truly declare, that if the materials principle of the bill, to the principle of that bill, could be found from any parties in this coun- so far as it effects an extensive disfranchisetry, whereby the Crown could form a Goveru- ment of corrupt boroughs, at least as extenment that should not involve the departure sive as schedule A, if not more extensive than from every principle that has been expressed that schedule (hear, hear)-so far, too, as it by them throughout the discussions upon this effects the enfranchisement of the large towns, question, though I should not have had that and adopts the 101. qualification, I shall give, confidence in such a Government that I should and I have no doubt that my friends around desire to have in any Government that un- me will do the same, my cordial and zealous dertook to carry the Reform Bill; yet, if such support. However others may change, the a Government was formed on the principle of principles of our action will be the same for carrying the Reform Bill, I for one would not ever. But I must here be permitted to say, withhold from them my humble support. that when the Reform Bill was proposed, it (Hear, hear.) But I must say that it is im- was well known that I gave up my opinion possible for me (cheers)-actually impossible upon some further reform, which I then. for me to give any support to any Govern- thought necessary, on the condition of gaining ment that, under preseut circumstances, could for the country all that was proposed by that be formed by the Duke of Wellington (cheers), bill. (Hear.) To gain everything that is probecause there is no pledge that he could give, posed in that bill we are all anxious now, and of his intentions in favour of a measure of re- should anything short of that now be proposed form, which can be stronger than those which to us, though we should be ready to take that, stand recorded (loud cheering)-than those yet I trust that we should never rest satisfied which stand recorded by repeated votes, by till we had gained the full extent of what we speeches, and by solemn protests (immense require. (Cheers.) But it is in vain to hope cheering) of an uncompromising hostility to that the satisfaction which would be derived that measure. Is it possible, Sir, that the Duke to the country from the passing of this bill, of Wellington can come down to the House of when received from the hands of the old and Lords with that bill in one hand, and with his tried friends of reform, will be equalled by the protest in the other (renewed cheering), and satisfaction with which they will receive it call upon that House to pass that measure, or when passed by the other party. What, Sir, to pass anything amounting to any portion of will be the reflections of the country upon this that measure (cheering), that can give the extraordinary change, if, indeed, it is possible slightest satisfaction to this House or the peo- to think such a change has taken place; for ple? Is it possible, too, for any of those till I hear of that change in a manner that noble Lords, who signed that protest (cheer- leaves not the possibility of doubt, I shall not ing), to become his associates? Is it possible, yield it my belief, in however various shapes especially, that he who denounced the venge- it may appear. What is the consequence, I

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