Friend informed me of his Majesty's situation, lature which was opposed to it. But, in this and I considered it my duty to inquire from case, the Minister says no, I will next session others, for I was equally unprepared with his bring in a bill as efficient as that which has Majesty for the consideration of such a ques-been just rejected. (Cheers.) And what did tion. (Hear, hear.) I then found that a large he do? My Lords, I have no hesitation in number of friends of mine were not unwilling saying that, notwithstanding the opposition of to give their support to a Government formed this House, he brought in a measure stronger upon such a principle, and with the positive and worse than any one of the measures beview of resistance to that advice which was fore introduced (loud cheers); and this meatendered to his Majesty. (Cheers.) Under sure he wished to force upon the House by a these circumstances I waited on his Majesty lorge creation of peers. (Continued cheers.) on Saturday, and submitted to him my advice. How many peers it is not necessary to state; That was, not to reappoint his late Ministry it is enough to say a sufficient number to force (cheers); nor was it to appoint myself. I did it through the House. (Continued cheers.) not look to any objects of ambition. (Cheers.) It is only necessary for me to state the propo I advised him to seek the assistance of other sition. If this be a legal and constitutional persons to fill the high situations in the state, course of conduct-if such projects can be expressing myself willing to give his Majesty carried into execution by a Minister of the all assistance, whether in office or out of office, Crown with impunity (loud cheers), there is to enable his Majesty to form an administra- no doubt that the constitution of this House tion to resist the advice which had been given and of this country is at an end. (Great to him. (Cheers.) My Lords, these were the cheering.) I ask, my Lords, is there anyfirst steps of the transaction; and if ever there body blind enough not to see that if a Miniswas an instance in which the Sovereign acted ter can, with impunity, advise, his Sovereign most honestly by his former servants—if ever to such an unconstitutional exercise of his there was an instance in which public men kept | prerogative as to thereby decide all questions themselves most completely apart from all in- in this House, there is absolutely an end put trigues, and from all indirect influence-using to the power and objects of deliberation in this only those direct and honourable means of op- House (great cheering)-an end to all means position of which no man had reason to be other of decision. (Cheers.) I say then, my Lords, than proud, this is that instance. (Loud cheers,) thinking as I do, it was my duty to counsel And when I came to give my advice to his Ma- his Majesty to resist this advice. (Cheers.) jesty, instead of advising him with a view to And, my Lords, my opinion is, that the threat objects of personal ambition-as I have been of carrying this measure of creation into exeaccused upon high authority (loud cheers)- cution, if it should have the effect of inducing I gave him that advice which I thought would noble Lords to absent themselves from the best lead to another arrangement, and I House, or to adopt any particular line of constated that I was ready to serve his Majesty duct, is just as bad as its execution. (Cheers.) in any, or in no capacity, so as best to assist For, my Lords, it does by violence force a dehim in carrying on a Government to resist the cision on this House (hear, hear), and on a advice which had been given him by his late subject, my Lords, on which this House is not Ministers. (Continued cheering.) And what disposed to give such a decision. It is true, my was that advice which was tendered to his Lords, men may be led to adopt such a course, Majesty by them? I wish your Lordships to by reflecting, that if they do not adopt it, some examine it. What was the advice which his 50 or 100 peers will be introduced, and thus Majesty did not deem it proper to follow, and deliberation and decision in this House be which I considered it my duty to enable his rendered impracticable; or men may be led to Majesty to resist? (Loud cheers.) I do not adopt it with the view of saving the Sovereign ask any man to seek any farther explanation from the indignity of having so gross an action of this advice than that which was given by imposed upon him. (Loud cheers.) But I say, the Ministers themselves. (Cheers.) It was my Lords, that the effect of any body of men neither more nor less than this :-The Go- agreeing publicly to such a course, will be to vernment, feeling some difficulty in carrying make themselves parties in this very proceedthe Reform Bill through this House, were in- ing, of which I say we have so much reason duced to advise his Majesty to do-what?-to to complain. (Loud cheers.) The only course create a sufficient number of peers to enable of proceeding at this eventful crisis worthy of them to carry their measure through the the men with whom I have the honour to be House-to force it through the House. connected, was to advise his Majesty-was to (Cheers.) Now, my Lords, before I go fur-counsel his Majesty-to resist the advice ther, let me beg you to consider what is the nature of that proposition. Ministers found, in the course of last session, that there was a large majority in this House against the principle of the bill. Now, my Lords, what is the ordinary course for a Minister, under such circumstances, to pursue? My Lords, it is to alter the measure to endeavour to make it more palatable to that branch of the legisla

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which had been given him, if he could find means of carrying on the Government of the country without acceding to it. (Cheers.) But this part of the transaction, my Lords, requires particular explanation upon my part. His Majesty insisted that some extensive measure of reform (I use his Majesty's own words) should be carried. I always was of opinion, and am still of opinion, that this

cannot help feeling, that if I were capable of refusing my assistance to his Majesty-if I were capable of saying to his Majesty, "I cannot assist you in this affair," I do not think I could have shown my face in the streets from shame of having done it (cheering)

measure of reform is unnecessary, and will prove most injurious to the country. (Cheers.) But on the last occasion when I addressed your Lordships I believe in the committee on Monday se'nnight-I stated my intention to endeavour to amend the bill in committee, and to do it honestly and fairly. Still, how-for shame of having abandoned my Sovereign ever, I thought that, amend it as we might in under such distressing circumstances. (Con committee, it was not a measure which would tinued cheers.) I have, indeed, the misfor enable this country to have a Government tune of differing from friends of mine upon capable of encountering the critical circum- this, subject, but I cannot regret the steps. I stances to which every man must expect this have taken. (Cheers.) If I have made a country to be exposed. This was, my Lords, mistake, I regret it; but I am not aware that this is my opinion. (Cheers.) I do not think I have made any mistake. It was impossible that, under the influence of this measure, it is that I could shrink from his Majesty under possible that any Government can expect to such distressing circumstances. (Cheers.) F overcome the dangers to which this country will not detain your Lordships longer with must be exposed. (Cheers.) But, my Lords, detail of the circumstances which led to this this was not the question before me; I was dilemma in which we are now placed. But, called on to assist my Sovereign in resisting a my Lords, if you will only look back to the measure which would lead to the immediate commencement of those transactions--if you overthrow of one brauch of the legislature look to the speech of his Majesty made from (great cheering)-a measure which would the Throne to both Houses of Parliament, in enable the Ministry to carry through this June 1831-if you recollect that his Majesty House the whole bill, unmodified, unim- stated in strong terms that that important proved, and unmitigated. (Continued cheer- question should receive the earliest and most ing.) I had, then, my Lords, only the choice attentive consideration, saying "Having had of adopting such part of that bill as this House recourse to that measure for the purpose of might please to send down to the House of Com- ascertaining the sense of my people on the mons, suffering the Goverument hereafter to expediency of a reform in the representadepend upon the operation of that part of the tion, I have now to recommend that imbill rather than upon the whole bill, or else portant question to your earliest and most of suffering the whole bill to be carried and attentive consideration; confident that, in any the House of Lords to be destroyed. (Hear, measure which you may propose for its adhear.) My Lords, my opinion is not altered; justment, you will carefully adhere to the no part of the bill is safe; but, undoubtedly, acknowledged principles of the constitution, a part of the bill is better, that is to say, less in by which the prerogatives of the Crown, the jurious than the whole bill; and certainly it authority of both Houses of Parliament, and must at least be admitted that it is better the rights and liberties of the people, are than the destruction of the constitution of the equally secured." (Loud cheers.) Now, my country by the destruction of the independ- Lords, I ask, could it be believed, at the time ence of that House. (Cheers.) Under these his Majesty made this speech, that the rights circumstances, my Lords, I gave my consent of this House-the power of deliberating and to assist his Majesty in forming an Adminis- deciding independently upon such a question tration. I know many may be of opinion that as this would be destroyed by a creation of I should have acted a more prudent part if I peers, and by a creation to an extent which had looked to anterior circumstances, and if I could not be much less than one hundred? had regarded the opinions and pledges I had (Cheers.) If any man at the time foretold given, and if, placing my attention exclusively this, it would have been said he was dreaming upon the desire of acting a consistent part in of things that were impossible. (Cheers.) public life, I had pursued a different course, But to this state, my Lords, have we been and refused my assistance to his Majesty, I brought by this measure. When I first heard should have done better and more wisely. I do of this bill being proposed to be carried by a not mean to detract from the merits of those creation of peers, I said it is quite impossible. who thought proper to pursue a course con- I could not believe that any Minister of Engtrary to mine upon the occasion. I am grieved land would be led by any considerations what that it should have been my misfortune to soever to recommend such a measure to his differ with some right honourable Friends of Majesty. (Loud cheers.) The first time, mine with whom I have been for many years indeed, he heard the matter mentioned with in habits of cordial union, co-operation, and any degree of authority was when a right rev friendship, and from whom I hope this mo- Prelate thought proper to write upon the mentary separation will not dissever me. subject to some people in a town in Sussex. Nay, my Lords, their position was different (Loud cheers.) I could appeal to those sitfrom mine. (Hear, hear, hear.) I was siting near me if this be not the fact-if I did tuated in a position very different from that in not uniformly declare that the thing was imwhich they felt themselves to stand. They possible-that the very idea of it ought not to regretted that they could not take the same he mentioned. (Cheers.) That it never course with me; but for myself, my Lords, I should be imagined that any Miuister could

who praises me for having done that which he says it would have been infamy in him to do! Let us now go patiently through this speech of PEEL'S

BILL PEEL.

Sir ROBERT PEEL-The House will, per

be found who would recommend such an un-I can invent; but, let me not, oh, God! constitutional-such a ruinous exercise of the be exposed to the explanation of a man, prerogative of the Crown. (Continued cheering.) For, my Lords, I do maintain, that the just exercise of the prerogative of the Crown does by no means go to the extent of enabling his Majesty to create a body of peers with the view to carry any particular measure. (Cheers.) Under the circumstances, then, I think your Lordships will not think it upnatural, when I considered his Majesty's situa-haps, permit me, although there is no one tion, that I should endeavour to assist his Majesty. (Cheers.) But, my Lords, when I found that in consequence of the discussions on Monday in another place (which by the way proved so clearly that the sentiments of the leading men then were, that peers should not be created for such a purpose)-when I found that from these discussions it was in possible to form a Government from that House of such a nature as would secure the confidence of the country, I felt it my duty to inform his Majesty that I could uot fulfil the commission with which he was pleased to honour me, and his Majesty informed me that he would renew his communications with his former Ministry. (Cheers.)

who is more averse to trouble them with explanations of a personal nature, unless they are strictly necessary; yet as the crisis is so important, and the part I have taken has been so much discussed, the House will, perhaps, permit me to occupy their attention for a few moments, with the grounds on which the decision I came to was formed. I will make this explanation as briefly as possible; and what I am about to state shall be merely for my own vindication. On Wednesday last a communication was made to me from a noble Friend, for whom, notwithstanding all the calumnies (loud cheers) that have been directed against him, I am bound to avow that I entertain the sincerest admiration for his talents, and esteem for his cha

18. MAY. In both Houses it was announced "that his Majesty's Minis-racter. (Cheers, and some cries of No.) I will not shrink, through the fear of the opposition "ters conceived that they had secured of any majority, from making an avowal of "the means sufficient to enable them to 66 pass the Reform Bill, and that, there"fore, they continued in their offices." STRATHFIELDSAY'S DUKE had excommunication from his Majesty to form an plained; the lucky loanmonger, BAR- administration, but that he had been selected ING, had explained; but there was ano- by his Majesty, as having been once Lord ther gentleman, who had to explain Chancellor, as holding a high judicial situation-aud as being, on that account, out of yet; namely, PEEL'S-BILL PEEL! They the immediate vortex of political affairs;had had to explain why they were wil- that for these reasons he had been selected by ling to be Ministers, and PEEL'S-BILL his Majesty, for the purpose of conferring PEEL had to explain why he was not with him on the present state of affairs. The noble Lord inquired whether considered it willing to be a Minister along with the to be in my power to enter into the King's DUKE; and this explanation was a devil service at this crisis. He stated the diffi of a job! On the 18th of May, PEEL'S-culties in which his Majesty had been placed BILL PEEL attempted this in the House by the resignation of his late servants, on account of his refusal to create peers for the of Commons; and a most infernal expurpose of carrying the Reform Bill. 1 am planation it was for STRATHFIELDSAY. bound to state, that the only other person who He who has a relish for boiling hot had been consulted was his Grace the Duke of lead poured down his neck and shoul- Wellington, who was determined to assist his ders, and poured down, too, by a sworn who was ready to take office, if his taking office Majesty in any way; who wished no office, but friend, who is praising him to the skies was considered likely to facilitate an arrangeall the while, will be apt to envy Strath-ment; who would undertake to serve in any way, fieldsay this explanation on the part of or to forbear from serving altogether, if that his friend; but, every other man upon earth will exclaim: Cut my throat, if you please; toss me head foremost into a well; fling me into the hottest furnace of a glass-house; let me be torn to pieces by wolves; subject me to all the sufferings that the Whig-Rehoboam

the high opinion I entertain of the talents and the public character of that noble Lord." noble Lord waited on me-not that he had a "(Hear, hear, hear.) On Wednesday last, that

should be thought more satisfactory. (Hear, hear.) Although no communication had then been made to him by his Majesty, yet, as I see no occasion to maintain any reserve when entering on the subject of an explanation of this kind, I will state that I did understand

the question as formally put to me, whether I was willing to accept that office which, in political life, is supposed to be the highest object

of ambition. (Hear, hear.) It was at the man who should stand in that place as Minister, same time notified to me, I ought to state in in order to recommend the adoption of that bill justice to the King, that the acceptance of to which I had declared my decided opposition? office must be on the clear understanding that (Hear, hear.) If it were necessary to select his Majesty's declarations with regard to re-one person as a mediator between the hostile form should be fulfilled (cheers), and that parties, was I, who had made one of those hosoffice should be undertaken on the condition tile parties, to be chosen for that purpose? Is of introducing an extensive measure of re-it likely, in proposing modifications to that form. I replied to Lord Lyndhurst, I admit, bill, that I, of all others, could have persuaded upon the impulse of the moment, but upon that majority to which I had been opposed, to the impulse of feelings which it was im-acquiesce in them? I ground, therefore, the ble for me to avoid, that no authority of any vindication of the course I have taken (if vinnor any example of any man, or any set of dication is necessary) on the the peculiar men, could weaken my resolution not to ac-position in which I personally stand. So far cept office under existing circumstances, and from calling in question the motives of others, upon such conditions. (Hear, hear.) I an- who were inclined to take office in order to reswered upon impulse which no reasoning lieve the King from the difficulties with which could convince, that it it would not be for the hs was surrounded, I must say that I hold their honour of myself or the advantage of the motives in the utmost respect. (Hear.) This I country to do so; and that it was, therefore, do believe, that if any man was willing, at such impossible for me to accept office, on the con- a crisis, to devote himself to the service of the dition of introducing an extensive measure of Crown, he did it not only from the most disinreform. I have said before now, that in the terested motives, but from motives, the highpresent state of affairs I consider an ex- est and purest by which any public man could tensive reform to meau the adoption of the be actuated. Their reasons for taking that leading provisions of the bill. (Hear, hear.) course were, that they should have lowered do not say all the provisions of the bill, but themselves in their own esteem if they had not all such as are essential to affect its principle. been ready to make that sacrifice; and it was (Hear, hear.) I said that I must decide for precisely on the same ground on which, as myself on the instant, and on a review of the connected with personal honour, I thought peculiar situation in which I stood, that I felt that I could not be the man to take office in the difficulties in which the King was placed; order to carry the Reform Bill. Some allowthat I had never so great a wish to serve his ance, Sir, must be made for human failings. Majesty as for the purpose of removing those Other considerations might have been suйidifficulties; but that if I accepted office with-cient; but I could not cast out of consideration out an unreproaching conscience (hear, hear) the conduct I had pursued with respect to the -if I entered upon the duties of office without Catholic Bill. (Hear, hear.) I then reviewed a light heart, a firm step, and an erect aspect, my former declarations, and acted directly I would be of no benefit whatever to the service contrary to what I had before done. But, Sir, of his Majesty nor of any advantage to the the difference was great. I was then the recountry. (Hear.) That I have been placed in spousible adviser of the Crown, and, looking a situation in which no other man was ever at the state of the country and of public opiplaced, there are few, I think, will deny. That nion, and at the condition of Europe, I thought I have discouraged the introduction of another it my duty to say to the King, on a review bill of an extensive measure of reform, I am of then existing circumstances, that, whatready to admit. I am bound to state, that I ever I might think of the future tendency had before declared that I could be no party of the removal of the Catholic disabilities, to resolutions for the purpose of pledging my- I believed that there was an immediate and self to any particular measure of reform, in pressing evil which must be remedied. I order to swell the majority against the Mi-gave that advice to the Crown; but I say now, nisterial bill. I deprecated the principle of as I have done before, that I did all that was the bill, fraught as I believe it to be, with in- possible to relieve myself from the necessity justice. I considered it a revolutionary measure of proposing that measure, and I waited for calculated to introduce such changes in the some months in the hope that some other practical working of the constitution, as, if not person would he found to bring it forward. revolutionary in themselves, would lead to But this was not a repetition of the Catholic revolution; and, therefore, to the principles question-(hear, hear),-even if it were posand details of that bill i have always said that sible that, had it been so, I should have been I should, to the last, offer my most decided expected to repeat the conduct I then pursued. opposition. Those with whom I have co-ope- I had not advised the King to pass the Reform rated had early received a declaration of Bill; I was not a responsible Minister of the opinion from me, that I should take that course Crown; yet, had I goue into office on the with respect to reform and the Reform Bill, conditions I have mentioned, I should have that must preclude me from taking office placed myself in that situation, and the duty under circumstances like the present; and of introducing the bill would have devolved having done that, where is he who thinks, in upon me, for I would not have submitted to the peculiar situation in which I stand, that out the miserable evasion of putting another man of the 658 members of this House I was the into that situation, and I could not even then

Have remained in silence. I must, therefore, their administration. If there is any gentlehave accepted office on the condition of pro- man in this House who thinks my conduct posing that bill to which I had been so long suspicious, or even doubtful, or who thinks it an opponent. I say that in refusing office I in the least necessary for me to explain it, I spoke upon the impulse of feelings which will satisfy him that that was not the motive nothing could control, when I declared that I of the course which I pursued. (Hear, hear.) could not accept office on condition of pro-The only opinion I expressed was, if a reconposing that bill, because I should have lowered ciliation between his Majesty and the members myself in my own esteem, and should have of his Majesty's Government should prove done so without any advantage to the public. impracticable, in favour of that arrangement With respect to the English bill, there is not, which was most likely to be permanent, and as I conceive, any difference between the pro- which, while it remained in existence, must poser and the seconder; but if that were not necessarily exclude me from office, those so, still I should have had not merely to adopt, who know me well know that it was likely 1 but to propose the Scotch and Irish bills, should act in that manner, but I have seen it which have yet to pass the House. With my stated in the public newspapers, that on this known and directly expressed opinion against subject they defy contradiction, and that I the principle of these bills, it was utterly im- was a party to an understanding such as I possible that I could undertake with advantage have mentioned. Now, Sir, I beg, in as disthe labour of conducting them through the tinct words as one man is capable of using in House. With regard to reform generally, it contradicting another, that it is an infamous would have been most difficult for me to effect falsehood. (Cheers.) The circumstance alany alterations in the measures that have luded to by my noble Friend, as to our already been proposed. From the original temporary separation in politics, is a proof authors of those measures some modification that I could be no party to such an undermight be accepted; and I do trust that they standing. (Hear, hear, hear.) I do look at will now feel that they can originate modifica- the circumstances in which the country is tions which they may think reasonable and placed with much deeper interest than any I just. But modifications coming from me would can have in my own individual advantage. not have been received by the country as a final The sole object I should have in giving adsettlement of the question. I believe that the vice in an emergency like this, is that which parties who are now about, for the first time, I believe would actuate every Englishman in to receive privileges from the provisions of offering advice to his Sovereign under such this bill, would conceive themselves under no circumstances; I should not give it with any obligations to me for those privileges, but view to the interest or welfare of myself, but would receive them with an increased desire for the interest and welfare of that country to to extort in a second bill that which had not which our first duties so strongly attach us. been conceded them in the first. These are (Much cheering.) the reasons that justify me in the conduct I have pursued on this occasion. The impulse on which I stated, when at first applied to, satisfied me at that time, and reason convinced me afterwards, that neither for my own honour, nor for public advantage, could I accept office, if the acceptance of office was to be under the condition of supporting the visions of the bill, either as it now exists in the House of Lords, or with such modifica tions as might afterwards be proposed by the Government of which I was to form a part. These opinions separated me from some noble Friends of mine who did not feel themselves placed in the same situation. I regret that separation, even though it be temporary, from that man whom I chiefly honour, and I am anxious to declare, that even that separation And this, honest Lord ALTHORP says, has only raised him in my esteem. (Hear, is "not to depart from that line which bear.) One word more. It has been insinu- an honourable man ought_to_pursue.” ated, in those channels through which the Bravo! honest ALTHORP! Here we public generally obtain their informaton, that have you, then, all in a string. I have been influenced in the course which As the

pro

It would be to insult the understand

ing of my readers to enter into statement or argument in order to expose the scandalous profligacy of all this, the sum and substance of which is visible to all eyes; that the DUKE was willing to do that, which this man thought it dishonourable in him to do; and that yet, the DUKE deserved praise for being willing to do it: that is to say, then, that this man only wanted the courage to be willing to do a disho nourable thing!

I have pursued, by the lurking suspicion that good, and sensible, and spirited felthe Government recently about to be estab-lows said, at MAIDSTONE, in 1816, lished could not be permanent, and that I was "You are all tarred with the same a party to the formation of a phantom Govern- brush ;" upon saying which, they seized ment to carry a Reform Bill, in the belief that, when that was done, I could step in and build hold of the wagons where the impostors my authority and power upon the ruins of both Whigs and Tories were perched,