and in two minutes would have had the knew the motives stated were true, because most of them had been communicated to him. united crew in the MEDWAY, if they He was able, therefore, confidently to state what were the motives assigned at the time, and he was happy to be able to do so, since, though those motives were so easily understood, and were so obvious to any one who judge in that manner, or who did not willingly judged rightly, yet there were few who did receive imputations on the motives of public men. At the same time, speaking of the case of the right honourable Gentleman abstractedhonourable Gentleman as to the course he had VYVYAN, the man whom the CORNISH people had the virtue to bundle out at the last election, seems to have beeny, he must say that he differed from the right afraid that people would not see quite clearly, how that same act could be honourable in the DUKE, which would have been so infamous in PEEL'S-BILL PEEL; and, therefore, he endeavoured to explain the difference in their situations. But, stop: we must first hear BARING, who seems to have had similar fears with regard to himself. To be sure, he had not entered a solemn protest against the bill as the Dukey had; but he had, a hundred times over, declared it to be revolutionary, and tending to the certain destruction of the monarchy. STRATHFIELDSAY, in his protest, which will be found in the Register of the 21st of April, had declared the bill "to strike at the principles of the monarchy itself; but BARING had declared no less than this, and a great deal more than this, over and over again; and as he had been willing now to come in with the DUKE; and as everything said by PEEL'S-BILL-PEEL weighed against him as well as against the Duke, he found it necessary to defend himself, or rather to endeavour to do it after the speech of this PEEL'S-BILL-PEEL; and, according to the report in the Morning Chronicle, the following is the defence that he made : pursued. He (Mr. B.) had ventured to press upon him a different line of conduct. The view he had taken of the matter, and that which the noble Duke who took the principal part in he had reason to suppose had been taken by the affair, was, not that any administration was to be formed to carry the Reform Bill, or to sanction or to support it, so as to sacrifice the character of the persons composing that administration-but the simple question was, the King being ready to consent that this bill in substance should pass, yet that there were circumstances connected with the passing of this bill to which he could not adhere, and That was the position of things when Lord to resist which he had called for assistance. Lyndhurst was sent for, and when the Duke of Wellington undertook to see whether some arrangements could not be made. Suppose suppose the King said that the passing of that Gentlemen admitted the King to be right this bill was essential in the state of the country-was that a reason, because Ministers be resisted, that they were to avail themselves had the country at their back and could not of these circumstances to force other circumstances to which, as a monarch, the King could not agree? (Hear, hear.) Because he believed that reform was essential and necessary to the peace and tranquillity of the country, and because he had declared that opinion, should he be accused of changing his opinion, merely for not having consented to yield to other circumstances of a similar nature? He the question, but that being the view he took (Mr. B.) did not wish to argue that view of of it, then came the question, whether any man in the noble Duke's situation was to say, "No, I have taken such a line of conduct, Mr. BARING said, that he had no intention" that, that whatever difficulties you may la of addressing more than a few observations to "bour under, whatever contumely may be the House, and in them he should cautiously" heaped upon you, whatever may be your conabstain from employing any topics or referring to any circumstance which might occasion a debate on the events that had just taken place. But if he should sit entirely silent after the explanation of his right honourable Friend, perhaps the House would think that in some respects he might be open to the imputation that the right honourable Gentleman's conduct might seem to throw upon those who had pursued a different line of conduct. He felt all the difficulties of the case which his right, honourable Friend had stated. He "dition, I can offer you no assistance." That was the strict, and, as he considered it, the honest way of viewing the subject. No gen tleman who had read a line or passed through his mind a thought on the constitution of the country, would say that that was not the proper view of the case. When he saw the Duke of Wellington, his Grace stated that he should be ashamed to crawl about the metropolis if he did not go to the assistance of the King. He did not wish to go further into explanation, but he must say, that so far from how that was so honourable in the Duke, which would have been so infamous in PEEL, and Baring's lucid harangue does what some miserable minds, that were themselves actuated by the motives which they imputed to others, being true, the arrangement proposed would have excluded the noble Duke from power, and probably from office. He not seem to have satisfied VYVYAN upon must say, that great as was his admiration of this important point. VYVYAN appears, that great man, he had never seen anything therefore, to have been desirous to make that was a proof of greater magnanimity than the resolution which he then came to. By his it out that there was a difference beconduct he had exposed himself to the abuse tween the situation of PEEL and that of and scurrility of the lower orders, and parti- the DUKE. VYVYAN's speech, as it stands cularly of the press; but among all who reported in the MORNING CHRONICLE, troubled themselves to understand, no one would hesitate to say, that though he might was a masterpiece in its way, and therehave acted more prudently and cautiously, he fore I insert it entire, especially as it lies could not have exhibited a greater act of hero-in a moderate compass. ism. (Hear, hear.) The object of the King was, if possible, to reformn the Commons with Sir R. VYVYAN referred to the axiom that out destroying the Peers, although Gen the King was not responsible-that he was tlemen on the other side of the House might only responsible through his Ministers, and possibly think, that to have added to the protested against the doctrine that he was number of the Lords would have greatly im- responsible for his opinions to any by-gone proved them. If the Duke of Wellington had Government. He entirely approved of the line failed to answer the call of his Majesty, the the Duke of Wellington had taken; it was his necessary consequence must have been, that business to do his best to make an adminihe would have been thrown back upon his stration, and he would stand amply justified former Ministers. What then would have to posterity. He was willing to do the fullest been the King's situation? He would have justice to the motives of the Right hon. Bart. been placed in the grasp of an Administra- (Sir R. Peel), aud it was to be recollected tion which compelled him to do acts to which he that his situation was very different from that was entirely adverse. The King could have of the Duke of Wellington. He could not full no will of his own. The House would re-back upon a high military reputation, and his collect, that when insanity uufortunately at- motives would have been liable to obvious mistacked George III., the utmost care was taken construction; he would have had to encounter to ascertain whether his Majesty could exer- the obloquy of one party, the hatred of another, cise any degree of volition before a regency and the misunderstanding of a third. (Cheers.) was appointed; but with respect to William It was clear that the King could do no wrong; IV. there would not be an absence of volition, and no private letter written by him or by his but a presence of an adverse volition. He private Śccretary could be binding. The Miput it to any man, whether such would be a nister only was responsible-responsible for proper situation in which to place the King of the advice he gave, and which advice he (Sir this country according to its constitution. The R. Vyvyan) did not hesitate to say he looked Duke of Wellington saw his Majesty's extre- upon as akin to treason. (Cheers.) At all ̧· mity, and finding too that nobody would go events the present servants of the Crown had to assist him, he stepped forward and did his attempted that which in another reign had duty. To say the least of it, his conduct had formed the subject of an impeachment for been highly meritorious. high crimes and misdemeanors to annihi To be sure this is miserable; it does late the independence of one branch of the le gislature, because it had ventured to make a show, that in a state of things like this, slight alteration in the Reform Bill. When millions may be amassed by creatures, all the facts were published, and when the totally destitute of everything worthy calm-judging people of England had had time of the name of talent. Ah, BARING! to reflect, they would see and acknowledge that the King, by his conduct, had shown "Paper money is strength in the begin-himself the genuine friend of his subjects and, ning and weakness in the end." While the constitution. Had it been necessary to paper money is coming out and increas- make a new appeal to the people, he (Sir R. ing, any silly creature can govern a Vyvyan) should not have been afraid of the country; but when paper money is di-result of a general election; for when it was minishing, to govern a country, demands men, and men, too, with heads upon their shoulders. knowu that the object of his Majesty was to prevent the swamping of the House of Lords, the voters in all parts of the empire would have shown themselves as potent as they had been on any former occasion. VYVYAN, whom I mentioned before, seemed to be afraid, as I have just ob- As far as relates to the conduct of the served, that the people "out of doors" King, I shall reserve what I have to say would not be able to perceive clearly until by-and-by, when I shall have done with these faithful and sensible advisers Whigs, Ministers, opposition, courtiers, of his Majesty. VYVYAN entirely ap- and all together. proves of the conduct of STRATHFIELD- And, here, before we come to the SAY, and of that of PEEL'S-BILL PEEL, further proceedings with regard to the too! and how does he make out a reason Reform Bill, let us notice what has for this? Why, because PEEL'S-BILL- been said with REGARD TO THE PEEL'S "situation was very different CONDUCT OF THE KING. The from that of the DUKE." And what was publications, the pictures, the overtthe difference, VYVYAN? Why, PEEL'S-acts of the people themselves, with reBILL PEEL" could not full back upon the gard to the King, his brother and high military reputation, and His mo- sisters, his wife, and the children that tives would have been liable to obvious are reputed to be his; of these I took misconstruction!" God Almighty! and quite notice enough in my last Registhese are the men that have made laws ter, 19 May, 1832, which Register we to govern this great country! You have shall have to refer to a great many found, VYVIAN, that the DUKE's motives times. But, now what is it that the have not lacked for construction: you Whig press has asserted with regard to have not found the people silenced by the conduct of the King? This press his "high military reputation," which has been asserting, for many months he had to "fall back upon," and which he past, that the King promised LORD has fallen, back upon with the devil to GREY, several months ago, that he it; for, if he look at the picture shops would, whenever it became necessary, and the signposts, he will see himself make new peers, sufficient in number to not only fallen back, but with his heels enable GREY to carry the Reform Bill. uppermost, in every considerable town When, therefore, it was known that he in the kingdom. His effigy has served had refused to make the peers necessary as proxy för him, and it had to undergo to carry the bill, public indignation burst a military punishment last week even in forth. This press has alleged, that the the little quiet town in which I am now promise to make the peers, was made in writing! writing; that this writing was shown by It is curious to observe the difference GREY to HARROWBY and WHARNCLIFF: in the manner in which VYVYAN and before the debate on the second reading BARING speak of PEEL'S-BILL PEEL. of the bill; that when GREY went to VYVIAN is ready to do "full justice to the King, after the motion of LYNDthe motives" of the PEEL'S-BILL states- HURST on the 7th of May, and asked for but BARING was not so ready to the power to make the peers, the King do full justice to those motives: he, on said, "No: my promise to make the the contrary, differed from the Right" peers, applied only to the case of the Honourable PEEL'S-BILL PEEL as to the "Lords rejecting the bill they have course which he had pursued; aye, and "not rejected it: they are ready to go he tells us, that "he had pressed upon "into its detals in the committee; and, PEEL'S-BILL PEEL a different line of con- "therefore, I will not authorise you to duct." Oh, oh! you had, had you!" make the peers now." This is what Now, mark, PEEL'S-BILL PEEL's reasons is in substance alleged; and, as I obfor not taking on with the DUKE, were served in the last Register, if any peer as severe a censure upon BARING as they other than the DUKE, whose protest were upon the DUKE; and poor BARING was hardly dry, had come and said, I had not, like STRATHFIELDSAY, a high will pass the bill, the result might have military reputation to fall back upon;' been very different from what it was; therefore he could not, like VYVYAN, de- but nobody could believe, that a man fend the conduct of PEEL. Thus ended would do a thing so monstrous as that these famous explanations, leaving not which the DUKE must have done if he one single soul in the whole kingdom had passed this bill. The deed was, as without a mind full of the proper feel- LORD EBRINGTON called it, an instance ings towards all the parties, Tories, of public immorality too shocking, man; 484 too outrageous for a people like this of the King on his constitutional irreto endure for one moment. Besides, sponsibility. Indeed, there must have an opinion took possession of the minds been such promise, or else, as Hunt of the whole people at one and the same said, "the Ministers would have bin moment, that there was a grand conspi- adeluden ov the peepul" for at least racy for defeating the bill, and for pre-three months, during which their press venting all reform of Parliament what were ringing this assurance in our ears. soever, and that the King had been Whether the interpretation, which it advised so to act as to favour this is said the King put upon his promise, wicked conspiracy. The very name were fair or not, one cannot decide of STRATHFIELDSAY, as prime-minister without a sight of the promise itself; again, was looked upon, after all his but there was one thing which ocdeclarations, and especially after his re-curred in the House of Commons on the cent protest, as a drawing of the sword 15th of May, which was, to say the and flinging away the scabbard; and least of it, curious in the extreme. It the people, with a unanimity, with was a speech of Mr. TENNYSON, in angood sense, wholly without a parrallel swer to some observations of Mr. HUME. in the history of mankind, and with I will insert the speech here; because promptitude and celerity, that sets all it is a thing by no means to be overdescription at defiance, offered resistance looked. I wish the reader to pay atthe most effectual, and in every part and tention to every word of it; for, he portion of ENGLAND and SCOTLAND, and may be assured, that we shall have to everywhere without a single instance recur to it again and again. It is of of even the existence of danger of breach great importance; and it does, in a of the peace. Those who have been great measure, serve to explain that readers of my writings, or hearers of which we now (22d of May) see going my harangues; those who have read on. those writings, whether published abroad or at home, must well know, how proud I have always been of my country; how anxiously I have laboured to cause it to be honoured throughout the world. What, then, must be my feelings now, in having to record this matchless instance of its justice, its humanity, its wisdom, and its courage! I wish to say as little as possible about the conduct of the King; and, as for his family, I shall leave to others to deal with that as they may think just and proper; but, I must offer my opinion with regard to the principal facts connected with that conduct. In the first place, I believe that the King did give LORD GREY a written assurance that he would make new peers sufficient to enable him to carry the bill. I believe this for two reasons, first, because I know that the EARL of RADNOR told the MANCHESTER deputation that it was so; and, second, because SIR RICHARD VYVYAN, in the speech which I have quoted above, admits, that there was such letter written by the King, or by his private secretary, and resting his defence Mr. TENNYSON said, he could have wished that his hon. Friend (the member for Middlesex) had abstained from the observations he had just made. (Hear.) He had understood his everything should be avoided likely to excite hon. Friend in particular to recommend that irritation, yet he now touched on topics which must create unpleasant feelings in a high quarter. Nothing could be so painful to him (Mr. Tennyson), and he was confident also to his noble and right hon. Friends near him, and to the country, as that the event which had just been announced should be considered as placing his Majesty in a state of subhear.) He trusted that before a few days had mission and subjection to any party. (Hear, elapsed, those who had regretted that the advice tendered to him by the Government for an extensive creation of peers had not been adopted by the King, would be grateful to his a shock to the Constitution, for a shock it Majesty for having declined to administer such would undoubtedly have been (Hear, from the Opposition). Although he (Mr. T), as a thorough reformer, would not have hesitated a cabinet Minister, in case no other means of to give that advice to the King had he been effecting an extensive reform offered themselves; yet, if it should turn out that his Majesty, who was undoubtedly bound to ascertain that no other means did exist before he resorted to such a course, had discovered those means, and that without any shock to the institutions of the country, an extensive and perhaps a more beneficial and popular reform should be the result of such modifications as might now be introduced, he repeated, that the country, and his Majesty's Ministers amongst the rest, would be deeply grateful to him for the sound discretion with which he had rejected their counsel. No man could doubt the paternal wishes of his Majesty to do all in his power to meet the wishes of the people, but if possible, without doing any violence by means of his prerogative to the institutions of the country, and he was therefore pained lest the observations of his hon. Friend (Mr. Hume), intimating a hope that peers might still be spared, and that other measures might be taken, should give the impression that the reformers were now acting as if they had obtained a victory over the opinions and feelings of the King (Hear, hear.) ber of peers, that, in consequence of the pre- Well said, HERbert Taylor. We shall owe the Reform Bill to HERBERT, after all! Let it be observed that this pretty epistle is dated on the very day that GREY announced that he had had a communication with the King, and that WELLINGTON gave his miserable explanation. I am now writing on the 22d May; and, from what I see, I This was delivered, you will observe, should suppose that the intention of a in the presence of the Ministers, in the majority of the Lords now is, to let the midst of whom Mr. TENNYSON was bill pass through all its stages without sitting! And observe, they said not a any effectual opposition; that being the word in their own defence, though this was in fact a charge preferred against making such a creation of peers as will only means of preventing GREY from them. There is only one awkward thing give him a permanent Whig-majority in in this speech of Mr. TENNYSON. He the House of Peers. The Tories see tells us, in effect, that the King had that the bill must now pass; blind as discovered other means of causing the they have been, and proud as they are, Reform Bill to be carried; but he does they now see, that, by the means of the not tell us, that the King informed old sow, the people can compel the Lord GREY that he had discovered those passing of the bill. They are, thereother means. It is next to impossible fore, reduced to this choice; to let that he should have communicated this the bill pass without a creation of peers, discovery to Lord GREY; for in that and thus keep their majority against case there would not have been the GREY for future occasions, or to give smallest excuse for Lord GREY's resign-him fair grounds for insisting on the ing. This cannot be; and yet, from the silence of Ministers while this statement was making, and after it was made, it does appear to be something very curious. May 21. The Reform Bill was taken into consideration in committee, on the motion of Lord GREY; and some parts of it were agreed to without any division. It appears that some of the lords who were opposed to the bill, have agreed to absent themselves from the House, at the request of the King, and the following circulur has been published in the newspapers as being new creation; and thus see the bill carried, and see him secure a permanent majority in the House of Lords into the bargain. That they prefer the former, there can be no doubt; and, therefore, I believe, that they will now suffer the bill quietly to pass. Thus, after all, it has become a partystruggle, as far as the Whigs and Tories are concerned. It is strange, but neither party seems to anticipate, that the reformed House of Commons will be any thing much different from what Houses of Commons have been for a hundred years past. Neither party seems to imagine that there will be any great change St. James's Palace, May 13, 1832. of system, but that the scramble for MY DEAR LORD,I am honoured with his spoil will be still much the same as it Majesty's commands to acquaint your lord-has been for such a long time. Lord ship, that all difficulties to the arrangements authentic: in progress will be obviated by a declaration RODEN does indeed seem to have some in the House to-night from a sufficient num-apprehension, that the idea of " CHEAP |