what they had done grudgingly; and mence such a groundless prosecution that they had been unable to bring against the great champion of the cause themselves to grant that which they had of reform! I told the Parlez-vous that granted, until a very few days (not more they did not understand the matter; than three) before the bill was actually that reform was a lady; that she was brought in. To show with what ill-will in the family-way by the Ministers, and they made this reform, you have to that I had furnished a halter for leading look at their prosecution of me, which the loving couple to church! It was they commenced, or rather determined precisely thus, and their feelings towards upon, about a month before the bill was me were much about the same as those brought in. You know that they failed which a premature papa entertains toin the prosecution; you know that I wards the parish officer, who performs beat them and put them to shame; the the pious act of compelling him, on whole nation cried aloud against them pain of imprisonment, to take the for this; for no man believed that I had mother of his offspring for better for committed any offence at all. What worse. then was the motive to this prosecution? Thus, then, it was all the work of The motive was this: they knew that I the people so far. Now for the rest. had more weight with the people than When the first Reform Bill was under any other man; they knew that I had discussion in the House of Lords, and the power of exposing their insincerity; when the opposition Lords expressed they knew that they could not deceive their determination to oppose the clause me; they feared that I should defeat which enabled ten-pound renters to vote, any attempt of theirs to deceive the the Lord Chancellor BROUGHAM expeople; they thought that I should op- pressed his readiness to re-consider that pose the limitation of the suffrage which part of the bill. He did not say that they intended to make; and that I he was ready to give that part of it up; should defeat their bill, and cause them but it is quite clear that he would have to experience peril for their places. given it up rather than lose his place; They therefore fell upon the plan of and, observe, Lord GREY expressed no silencing me by the means of this infa- disapprobation of this conduct of his colmous prosecution. The moment they league. It is clear that the Ministers commenced it, I hurled defiance in their were ready to alter that clause at that teeth. When their bill appeared I re-time; but the Tories who were perceived it and supported it, because it suaded by a FOOL-LIAR whom they was something gained at any rate; it had in their pay, that there was a restored us to a part of our rights; and action," and that the people would be a part was better than none. They quiet though the bill should be thrown would now have gladly dropped their out; the Tories thus encouraged by this prosecution, if they could have done it FOOL-LIAR, urged the noble peers to with any degree of credit; but while I throw out the bill altogether. They supported their bill, I continued to lay did throw it out; and thus the Ministers the lash upon them, and to challenge were relieved, for that time, from their them to come and meet me in the Court disagreeable job. BRISTOL, NOTTINGof King's Bench, into which I at last HAM, DERBY, every town and village dragged them by force, and there in which an opposition Lord showed his lashed them before the face of the whole head, soon convinced both Tories and country, like so many guilty sheep- Whigs, that the FOOL-LIAR “had biting dogs! bin adeluden ov um." The Ministers This prosecution showed their inhe- fell to work, to dreadful work upon rent hatred of reform as clearly as setting those who had insulted WETHERELL fire to a farmer's stacks shows a hatred and the Duke of NEWCASTLE. To puto the farmer. The French newspaper nish these people seemed now to engage writers exressed their utter astonishment their minds and hearts. But still the that a reforming Ministry should com- nation called for another bill! and a 66 re bill, too, as good as the last, at the" cision of the House be what it might, least! This was very troublesome." he would keep the peace of the counLord GREY was out of humour. We" try." If these words had a meaning, were threatened with a long proroga- their meaning was, that he was ready to tion of Parliament; but petitions, ad- give up the ten-pound clause, and that dresses, deputations, political unions, he would keep the people quiet, though speeches, and penny-newspapers, so the bill should be rejected altogether. worried him, that, after a suitable time In the meanwhile precautions had been for screwing his face as if about to take taken by the Ministers to keep the BIRphysic, he got the Parliament together MINGHAM UNION quiet; and it was and brought in another bill, but, seem-thought that the BIRMINGHAM UNION ingly, without any great stomach to the would be imitated by all the rest of the passing of it; for, such was the system nation; but, according to the old of procrastination now resorted to, that rustic saying, "THOUGHT was in bed the bill which was brought into the once, and thought he was up; " and the House of Commons on the 12th of De- consequence was, less cleanly perhaps, cember, did not get out of it until the but not less ludicrous than it was now. 27th of March; that is to say, 116 days; For, there stood the BIRMINGHAM though all the matter of the bill had UNION, gaping like a clown at a puppetbeen fully discussed the year before; and show, while all the rest of the nation, though, in 1817, a bill to authorise CAS- from GLASGOW to LONDON, was sending TLEREAGH and SIDMOUTH, to shut any up addresses, petitions, and remonman up in a dungeon at their pleasure, strances, breathing nothing but suspihad not remained in the same House cion, excited by the speech of GREY, more than eight-and-forty hours! calling aloud for the whole bill, and esOut of the House, however, it did pecially the ten-pound clause. There get at last; and though the time was an extraordinarily long Easter adseemed so long to everybody else, it journment, for the manifest purpose of seemed as short to the Ministers as the giving time for the BIRMINGHAM SOPOhours do to a man that is going to be rific to work; but the soporific having married against his will; or, which is failed, the long adjournment only gave about the same thing, is about to have time for an accumulation of anger, his neck encircled by a rope, instead of which had been excited by the suspithe arms of a disgusting bride, Never-cions created by GREY's speech; and, theless, into the House of Lords the when the Parliament met on the 7th of poor bill got, the people watching it all May, he was compelled to begin by exthe while as a coney-cat watches the pressing his determination to stand or mouth of a rabbit-burrow. The ten-pound fall by the ten-pound clause! This proclause was still the burden of open com-duced Lyndhurst's motion. The rest is plaint with the Tories; and, as was known, and will remain recorded in the evident to every one, of secret hostility hearts of our children. with the Whigs. At the close of the debate on the second reading, Lord GREY said, "that the ten-pound clause was no part of the principle of the bill ; "that it might be altered with perfect "consistency with that principle; that if "it could be shown that any qualifica"tion, not so small as ten pounds, "would be less open to fraud and abuse, "he would not resist the correction of “such circumstances; but that the deci"sion on this point would depend on "the House and not on him." In the same speech he said, that, "let the de II. On the Arts which will be made use of to cheat us out of all the good that a Reform ought to produce us. We have seen with how much reluctance the bill was brought in and carried along by the Ministers. By watching and fighting, like vigilant and gallant dogs, we shall have it; and now the last resource of corruption is to cause it to be of no use to us; to get together what will be called a reformed Parliament, which may be just as bad as any that have gone before; and which, at any rate, will not make any material altera-ginning to be put in practice; and (for tion of the system under which we have I will never expressly or tacitly aid in been suffering so long, and that will call deception) my opinion.decidedly is, that it “revolutionary" to propose to touch the Whig faction mean to make use of pensions, sinecures, grants, retired al- the BIRMINGHAM POLITICAL UNION as lowances, dead-weight, tithes, crown their tool in getting up addresses of lands, or what is called national thanks to the Ministers, and in wheeddebt. If we were to submit to this; if ling the people to be content with nowe were stupid and base enough to per- thing but the mere name of reform. mit a thing like this to go on, we should I know that I shall give offence, by become the mockery and scorn of the thus frankly stating my opinion; but world. The manner in which it will be the effects of that offence are nothing, attempted to effect this object, to prac- when compared with the probable contise this last shift of corruption, will be sequences of neglecting my duty. To thus every press will be put in motion those who live in this scene of political that can be put in motion for the pur- intrigue, and who are attentive observers pose, to cry up the Ministry. An of occurrences, those of the last fortendeavour will be made to make us night must have been sufficient in probelieve that we owe every thing to the ducing in their minds a conviction of Ministry. When the bill has been passed, the correctness of this my opinion. The the ruffians who live upon the taxes, scenes at GUILDHALL and the Mansionand those who want to live upon the house; the dinings, and the presenting taxes, will be calling meetings every-of the freedom to Mr. ATTWOOD; the where to send up addresses of thanks to Lord GREY and the Ministry; and after this it will be very ungrateful in us to complain of this excellent Ministry on any account; and as to asking them to take the pensions and other good things away from their relations and friends, that will be too bad! So that we shall have the Reform Bill and be cheated out of the fruit of it, just as the poor fellows in FRANCE have been cheated out of the fruit of their valour I have just been observing that the and their blood. Be upon your guard, grand scheme is to prevail upon the therefore, against all propositions of people to praise the Whig Ministry; to this sort; if any one propose an address make them believe, that the very breath of thanks to the Ministers, move an in their nostrils depends upon the peramendment to address the political manent possession of power by that Miunion nearest to your neighbourhood.nistry, and the permanent predominance Indeed, justice would point out an ad- of the Whig faction. If we once adopt dress of thanks to me, for I have done this notion, Lord GREY will be our more in making a reform than any other LOUIS-PHILIPPE, and we shall be cheated thousand men in England: it was I who as completely as the French have been. detected the designs of Ministers, and The BIRMINGHAM COUNCIL is, as I said who urged the people on to compel before, intended to be the instrument them to do that which they have done. in the execution of this scheme; and But I want no addresses; I want no it appears to ine to have begun its opeflummery; I want to see the people act rations in this way, by calling upon the with resolution and with sense, and to nation to sign a declaration against `be, as the natural consequence of such WELLINGTON, and in favour of the Miconduct, free and happy as their fathers nisters. This declaration was agreed to by the COUNCIL on the 14th of May; and on the 15th it was resolved to send were. Already is this system of delusion be speechings of our CHARLEY, and of my cat's-meat LORD MAYOR: these, to us who live in the hell of corruption, would be more than enough; but to those of my readers who are so happy as to live at a distance from it, it may be necessary to be a little more particular, beginning with noticing an address, put forth on the 15th of May, by the Council of the BIRMINGHAM Political Union. it off to all the great towns and districts men', in violation of the convention of Paris, in the kingdom, in order that signatures to it might be obtained. It was sent inclosed in a circular letter addressed to individuals; and that circular, together with the inclosure, was sent to me. My answer to the circular contains my objection to affix to it my signature; and this answer I have sent to the secretary, in the following words: TO MR. BENJAMIN HADLEY, HONORARY SIR, Godalming, 24th May, 1832. notwithstanding his appeal to the Duke of Wellington, who had signed that convention. -Seventh. His general support of arbitrary power on the continent of Europe, and the certainty that his policy, if he be true to his principles, will necessarily involve the nation ties of Europe.-Eighth. His utter incompe in unjust and ruinous wars against the libertency to govern Eugtand by any other means than by the sword, which has never yet been, and never will be, submitted to by the British people. For these and various other reasons, we hereby solemnly declare our fixed determination to use all the meaus which the constitution and the law have placed at our disposal, to induce his Majesty to reject from his coun cils that faction, at the head of which is the Duke of Wellington, who have by their arbiI have received from you a circular trary principles, excited the distrust and abletter, enclosing a SOLEMN DECLARA-horrence of the whole population of the United TION of the Council of the BIRMING- Kingdom; and we declare our firm conviction that the public excitement and agitation can HAM Political Union, which documents never be allayed until the great Bill of Reform I will here copy, and then subjoin to shall be carried into law by that administrathem that answer which I think it is tion, by whose wisdom and virtue it was my duty to give to your application. 66 Birmingham, May 15, 1832.—I am iustructed by the Council of the Birmingham Political Union to request that you will do them the honour to allow your name to be affixed to the Solemn Declaration (of which the enclosed is a copy), which we have just adopted and sigued, respecting the public. conduct of the Duke of Wellington, and his unfituess to be placed at the head of the executive government of a free people.-I have the honour to be, your most obedient Servaut, BENJAMIN HADLEY, Hon. Sec. SOLEMN DECLARATION. first introduced. These are our fixed and nualterable sentiments, and we hereby appeal to all our fellow-countrymen, throughout England, Scotland, and Ireland; and we confidently call on them to unite with us and sigu this our solemn declaration, in support of the liberty and happiness of our country. At all times disposed, not only to do ample justice to the motives of the COUNCIL, but also to express my gratitude to its members for the good which they have done, it would have given me great pleasure to put my name to a document which they have thought worthy of being promulgated by them; and as I have insurmountable objections to the signing of this declaration, it becomes me to state them to you with that frankness, without which intercommunication of this kind, while it must produce uneasiness in the parties themselves, never can lead to any beneficial result. Birmingham, May 14, 1832. WE, the undersigned, think it necessary, in this awful crisis of our country's fate, to make known to our fellow-countrymen the alarm and horror with which we are impressed by the report of the Duke of Wellington's having been placed at the head of his Majesty's councils. We entertain this alarm and horror on the following grounds: - First. The I do not like vague and general Duke of Wellington's geueral avowal of arbitrary principles.—Second. His speech against charges, even when preferred against ALL REFORM, made only about a year and the devil himself; and, therefore, I oba half ago.-Third. His protest against the ject altogether to the first and seventh Reform Bill, as entered on the journals of of the grounds alleged in this declarathe House of Lords on the 17th of April last. tion. The fourth, fifth, and eighth, re-Fourth. His reported expressions in the late Parliament, amounting to those of regret, late to points of fact, of the truth of that the Irish people "WOULD NOT" break which I possess no proof, and am, by the law. Fifth. His being a pensioner of you, furnished with no proof. Foreign Despots; and as such, exposed to On their influence, and unfit to govern a free account of the second and third grounds, people. Sixth. His conduct to Marshal Ney, I most cordially detest the Duke; on who was murdered by the Bourbon Govern- account of the sixth, I have expressed my detestation of him from the date of him a judge, to sit on the bench in the killing of NEY to the present hour. that special commission, by whom Cook Either of these grounds would be much was condemned to the gallows, and more than sufficient to make me use my whose awful, though legal, judginents utmost efforts to prevent this man from filled that unhappy county with mournpossessing power in the country of my ing; made it re-echo with the screambirth; though, at the same time, I think ings of mothers, wives, and children. that we should do him much too great an honour by any proceeding so general and so solemn as that which is here proposed by the Council. Such, sir, are my reasons for refusing to sign this declaration. While I impute no blame to those by whose direction it has been sent to me, they will, I trust, find no ground of blame in this refusal on the part of, Sir, Your most humble and most obedient servant, WM. COBBETT. But, Sir, I am sorry to say that my strongest objection still remains to be stated; namely, that, by signing the declaration, I should solemnly declare it to be my opinion, that the present administration, not only have wisdom and virtue, but that the continuation of their sway is necessary to the liberty and happiness Every one must see that the real obof our country; an opinion which I do ject of this solemn declaration was to not entertain, and which I should blush | get the people to pledge themselves to to express. support the Whig Ministry against the In the eighth ground alleged against Duke. With exactly the same view the Duke, it is asserted, that he is in the BIRMINGHAM deputation has been competent to govern England by any cajoled and caressed and feasted and other means than by the sword; but, in freedomed by the Corporation of Loxmaking this allegation, I am surprised Dox. The name of London is great. that the COUNCIL did not recollect, that The recollection of the famous men one of the first acts of the present Mi- who have, at different times, belonged nisters was to augment the standing to its corporation, is always alive in our army left them by the Duke; and that minds The title of Lord Mayor and they have, more recently, literally put that of Common Council, are what they swords into the hands of that police always were: those, therefore, who which he left without swords. I would live at a distance from the scene can fain bury in oblivion HAMPSHIRE, WILT- hardly believe it possible that the things SHIRE and BERKSHIRE, BRISTOL and represented by the same words are not NOTTINGHAM ; but if I could forget still the same sort of things. It is poor Cook of MICHELDEVER, the two necessary, therefore, now that we are MASONS of BULLINGTON, the seventy- going to speak of the part that this three husbandless wives, and the hun- corporation has acted in this grand dreds of fatherless children and broken-scheme of delusion, to say a little what hearted parents, in that county which I know so well, and which is dear to me from so many causes; if I could forget all these; if I could blot all these from my recollection, I cannot forget that this same wise and virtuous Ministry, whom you call on me to support, against a faction at the head of which is the Duke; " I cannot forget that this same Ministry, the existence of whose sway you identify with the liberty and happiness of England, still make this very Duke lord-lieutenant of that county; aye, and that they made 66 the things really now are. The Lord Mayor, Aldermen, and Common Council of London, have the fingering of the City funds, partly consisting of the revenues of estates, and partly of the enormous taxes of various kinds which the boroughmonger Parliaments have enabled them to lay upon us. With these funds they have proceeded in much about the same way that the boroughmonger Parliaments have proceeded with the funds of the nation. They have contracted a debt greater than ever can be paid; they have their |