" and fiscal extortion lay waste this dis-mon and useful knowledge of the day of the "trict-while the Irish Government re"fuses to aid a suffering population

yet it is quick and lively to lend its “civil and military force to sell the blan"ket and the cow of the poor peasant "to stuff the greedy Parson and vora"cious ecclesiastic.'

sale of his property. What more? The peoafter day, still every day adjourning the sale, ple are brought into town for seven days, day thinking the people would be worn out with fatigue, or, perhaps, tempted to violate the peace, from the provocation caused by this delay. What more? Mr. Wat Newton, a magistrate, who had nothing at all to do in the matter, writes to Dublin for a notorious driver, Campbell, to come down and purchase the cattle. And what has been the conseof the people to suffer every privation sooner quence? Why, a determination on the part than be overcome. It is most certain that had the crew adjourned the sale to the day after, there would have been congregated together in this town uo less than one hundred thousand men; and mark their conduct. By that fifty thousand men assembled there was not, perhaps, one glass of whiskey drunk till the sale was over, so determined were they to conquer their enemies by peace and good. order-and more, out of that fifty thousand men, not one hundred, perhaps, were to be found in the streets at eight o'clock.

Now, Doctor, what a string of impudent lies are here! Why, WELLINGTON and PEEL gave Catholic emancipation, and to a greater extent than the Whigs ever proposed to give it. It is not the refusal of Catholic emancipation that has produced this state of things. It is not the opposition to reform that has produced such a state. It is not Tory legislation, but Whig legislation. What! while we have GREY's threat of vindicating the law," still ringing in our ears; and while we have the Irish tithe coercion-bill, sent up by the Commons and lying on the table of the Lords; are now brought out for sale. The people are while this is the case; while every man of their own botly. Mr. Caulfield, with some kept off from the military by a strong guard knows this, you have the impudence to others, are continually galloping back and tell your readers that it is the Tories, forward between the people and the military, and not the Whigs that have produced conveying the intelligence of almost every mithis" damnable state of things. But nute, and a number of respectable and prudent farmers (amounting to about sixty) are sta❤ to reason in such a case is nonsense: Itioned at the place of sale, in order to witness will strip you of your dignity, and make the transaction, and to see the man who would you an example to evil-doers, if ever 1 bid. catch you at this work again : so there is an end of that.

Another famous battle! Oh! how the Jews and the Devil must laugh at all this work between "Christian pastors and their flocks!" I have no room for comment. It cannot last: the whole THING must go to pieces.

THURSDAY, HALF-PAST Two-The bullocks

All matters being thus arranged, and the very possibility of a riot being removed, one bullock was offered for sale by the sheriff, who acted on this occasion as a driver, auctioneer, and sheriff, and all. But lo and be

hold! there is no bidder, and, after a solemn pause. and much writhing and gnashing of | teeth among the shoneens, the poor bullock remanded back again to prison, and the sale adjourned till Friday, at one o'clock! At this moment, when Mr. Caulfield galloped up to the people with the intelligence, it is absolutely impossible to describe the wild shout that was raised by twenty thousand voices. TITHES ABOLISHED MR. GER- The shout was a mixture of abhorrence and MAINE'S BULLOCKS RELEASED defiance, and being raised with such vebeFROM JAIL THE PARSONS BEAT-mence, it actually rent the skies. The people, EN-PARSON WHITTY OF 98 OVERCOME.

(From the Curlow Morning Post.)

VICTORY! VICTORY!! VICTORY!!!!

CARLOW, MAY 28, 1832.-Only think of what Parson Whitty has done. The moment he discovered that Wellington took office, that instant the meek Divine issued his mild and apostolic orders to have property to the amount of 1127. distrained for 341.; and to reuder it more harassing and expensive, the good pastor brings an action through tht Civil Courts. What more? Why, the very man (Mr. Germaine) who is thus ill treated is again further insulted, being denied the com

so far from being worn out by fatigue and hunger, are only acquiring fresh vigour, and they all swear they will return to-morrow, bring every man from his employment as they come along, and muster a force of 50,000

men.

HALF PAST ELEVEN.-Mr. Jonas Duckett, from Belview, arrives from the County Kildare, with another party of about ten thousand men from Kilkea and Moone; he is followed by twelve large waggons, drawn by horses in tandem, and by about one hundred horsemen with flags and banners. In Tullow-street, Mr.

MANCHESTER REFORM

Duckett desires the flags and banners to he removed, out of respect to the orders of Capt. Moore, our patriotic magistrate.

ASSOCIATION.

of 26th May, 1832.)

HALF-PAST TWELVE.-The Queen's County (From the Manchester and Salford Advertiser, men now arrive in great numbers, so that between the crowds passing in at every moment from Kilkenny, Carlow, and the other counties, there are about 50,000 meu in the town. Hurrah! hurrah! the man "Camp bell," who has been written for to Dublin, by

Walter Newton, in order to purchase the cattle, went off in the mail of last night, it is certain, and hence no bailiff or bidder can be found.

ONE O'CLOCK.-Major Ryan is acting his part in a most impartial and honourable way; he seems to have nothing to do whatever with the bullocks or the tithe party-he is merely in the capacity of commanding officer, and possesses fully the confidence of the people.

I BEG my readers to pay great attention to the following article, which will show them that the same Whig manoeuvre has been attempted at MANCHESTER, as that which appears to have succeeded at BIRMINGHAM Here we have Mr. SuurTLEWORTH and Mr. POTTER, deeming it unnecessary to make any more stir, now that Lord GREY and his faithful MELBOURNE, and GODERICH, and PalmerSTON and GRANT are back again in power.

BIRMINGHAM, MANCHESTER,

HALF-PAST ONE O'CLOCK.-At this moment all is excitement. Messrs Caulfield and Ger- LEEDS, and almost every other great maine and their party are galloping back and place, has its Whig faction, who will now forward between the people and the military, be constantly at work to make the people like so many aides-de-camp. There never was anything witnessed like the judicious satisfied with anything that the Whigs arrangement of the people; no accident can may do, and will be stirring earth and possibly happen; all are sober; not a glass of hell to get the people to elect members whiskey drunk in town as yet-Clare was noto support the Whigs in carrying on the thing to this-the priests are doing their duty -all is breathless at this moment-the cattle present system. Upon this occasion, will be brought out in a few minutes, and they Mr. JOHN FIELDEN came to mar their can find neither bailiff nor bidder. They projects! I congratulate the town of must be sent home again to Mr. Germaine. Two O'CLOCK.-The bullocks are driven Mr FIELDEN seems now resolved to MANCHESTER Upon the exertions which out-a dead pause-there is but one magistrate to-day in attendance-strange! and they make. I beg the reader to attend to all came yesterday. They dreaded a riot yes- the statement of the objects of this assoterday, with twenty thousand men; and to-ciation. I am glad that here is no talk day, when fifty thousand assemble, they all about councils. Here is plain sense and remain at home will any one riddle me that?

:

comes, and who is not less famed for his goodness to the working people than he is for his public spirit.

No bidder-the sale is abandoned all over-practical matter; and here are that moWhitty and the tithes are defeated, and Mr. desty and that sincerity which mark Germaine is desired to drive home the fourteen the man from whom the statement bullocks. Hurrah! burrah!! hurrah!!! All is now cheers and shouts from fifty thousand men. At this moment Major Ryan addresses Mr. Caulfield, Mr. Germaine, and others, and expresses "a hope that the same THE REFORM ASSOCIATION.-We observed peaceable conduct which the people have last week,that at the meeting at the York Hotel, manifested during the last six days will be held on Monday the 14th, for the purpose of persevered in; that no exhibition or procession organizing a Reform Association, a sub-comof bullocks through the town will be resorted mittee had been appointed to draw up a stateto; and that no injury will be inflicted on the ment of the objects, and a draught of the rules property or person of Mr. Whitty." Mr. of the association. The sub-committee did not, Cahill delivered this message of the gallaut we find, consist of seven persons, as we then Major, and the result was, that the moment stated, but of five. The following are the the bullocks were enlarged, the whole multi-uames of the gentlemen :-Mr. R. H. GREG, tude accompanied them out of town without Mr. J. SHUTTLEWORTH, Mr. ABSALOM WAT any exhibition, save the triumphaut acclaim KIN, Mr. RICHARD POTTER, and Mr. JOHN which was raised by fifty thousand men shout- FIELDEN. ing and cheering as they went along. The bullocks were all crowned with laurels on leaving the town, and followed home by ten thousand men from Rathvilly and that neigh bourhood.

According to the terms of the adjourn ment. a meeting assembled a second time, on Monday last, at Hayward's Hotel, when it appeared that the sub-committee, taking it for granted that, in consequence of the return of Earl Grey to office, the Reform Bill must now pass, and conceiving that that

bill was the only object, or at least the only" people at the first election under the Reimportant object of the association, had deemed form Bill.

it unnecessary to proceed with the task imposed "4. To promote peace, union, and concord, upon them. A majority of the meeting, how-" amongst all classes of his Majesty's subever, differing wholly from the sub-committee;"jects, and to guide and direct their efforts considering that the bill is a compromise, and "into uniform, peaceful, and lawful operafounded upon no principle; deeming that the "tions." value of the bill must be estimated by the These objects are such as the most moderate amount of good which it produces to the whole of sincere reformers; of reformers whose community, and particularly to those classes opinions are worthy of attention, and whose of the community which the bill excludes aid is worth acceptance, must admit to be from a share in the representation; regarding necessary; they are such as the most ardent it, therefore, as their houuden duty to take of extreme reformers must admit to be the care to make the bill the instrument of the first objects of our pursuit. These objects, largest possible amount of practical good, therefore, afford a common field of exertion, were of opinion that the duties of such au in which all who wish well to their country, essociation did but commence with the Reform all who really desire to see the working man Bill, and regretted the decision of their sub-independent and happy, setting aside petty committee as premature. It had fortunately differences, may toil together for the common happened that Mr. John Fielden had been de- good. From this union there are two clases Those who, being puted by the sub-committee, to present to who may keep aloof. them the first sketch of the document, which, spoiled by good fortune, are in the habit of as a body, they were to present to the meet-regarding the claims of their less fortunate ing; and that he, dissenting from the opinion brethren with arrogance, and their complaints that the return of Earl Grey to office made any with indifference; and those who, being exchange in the duties of the sub-committee, was asperated by suffering and ill-treatment, can prepared with a statement of the objects, and see only an enemy in any one less unhappy It is one of the useful a draught of the rules, of the proposed asso- than themselves. effects of such an association, that the harmouious intercourse which results from it, tends to diminish both these classes, by correcting the prejudices of both.

ciation.

The ad

These were read to the meeting, and ordered to be printed; and the meeting again adjourned in order that they might, in the meantime, be well considered. journed meeting is to be held, as before, at Hayward's Hotel, Bridge-street, on Monday next, and at half-past five o'clock in the eveuing. The objects of the association proposed by Mr. FIELDEN are thus stated

OBJECTS OF THE REFORM ASSOCIATION. "1. To endeavour to obtain, by lawful means, and these only, the passing of the "Reform Bill now in the House of Lords unmutilated and unimpaired in any of "its essential parts.

"2. To give to the bill, when so passed, a "fair and impartial trial: and if, in the first "session of the House of Commous consti"tuted under the bill, it prove efficient to

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procure a large reduction of taxes, and to

There is another class who may not be among our zealous friends, but whom we ought not to set down among our enemies; the timid and inactive, who, by their timidity and inactivity, will be restrained from joining. at once an institution of which the scope is wide, and the event uncertain. It belongs to us, to swell our ranks at last by the accession of these, when we shall have overcome their apprehensions by that success which perseverance in good and wise purposes is sure at last to command.

secure to the people a cheap and a good Go- MR. vernment, the objects of this association "will be accomplished, and its functions shall

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cease.

IRISH REFORM BILL. O'CONNELL'S ADDRESS TO THE REFORMERS OF ENGLAND.

I BEG the reader to go through the "3. In furtherance of the above objects, to following letter with great attention, as "prepare addresses, petitions, and remon- I have myself. It is a matter of the

"strances, to the King and to the two Houses "of Parliament, when necessary, respecting greatest importance to us in England; "the preservation and restoration of public for, as I have a hundred times observed, rights; to procure the abolition of all inju- as long as the misrule of Ireland shall "rious monopolies,-the repeal of all taxes continue, so long will England never "that press most heavily on the labouring "classes, the repeal of the taxes which affect know peace or safety. In every line of "the press and prevent dissemination of the following letter you see a proof of a "knowledge; and, in short, to procure the settled design to continue the ill treatment "repeal of bad laws and the enactment of of Ireland. If Ireland were a little beggood laws. And for this purpose, to pro

66

mote, by all lawful means, the return of garly canton, then it would be only un"upright and capable representatives of the just, it would be only wicked, in us, to

wink at her illtreatment. Being what ble, and that the extent of reform in Ireland. she is, a great limb of the common- should be equivalent to, and equally satisfac wealth; populous and productive as she tory with, that in England. I ask for the people of Ireland the same mea is, it is stupidity as well as injustice to sure of reform which the people of England think of holding her in a state of mis-receive. I will not be-I ought not to be, content with less.

In other words, I look for as complete an equality of reform in both countries as possible.

rule. Mark, too, the baseness of her persecutors in this case. The Ministers know that they can do what they like, in this case, with regard to Ireland, be- But the ministerial bill for Ireland is dicause they have the Tories with them rectly the reverse. It is, I repeat it, partial, here; and because the people of Eng-restricted, unjust, and insulting. It is constituted to sacrifice the Irish reformers to the

land are not aware of the injustice that is about to be done to Ireland; and of the manner which they themselves will be affected by that injustice. They are not aware in how great a degree their own reform will be nullified by this injustice done to Ireland. In fact, they must suffer from this cause in the same degree that the human body must suffer from injury done to one of the arms. I do, therefore, urge my English readers well to consider this matter; and not to suffer the injustice to be done without proving to our brethren in Ireland that we feel indignation at it, and that we will undo it as soon as possible.

London, May 22, 1832.

BROTHER REFORMERS,

I appeal to you from the contemplated injustice of the Irish department of the British Ministry. I respectfully solicit your aid to prevent another act of gross iniquity, another vile insult from being inflicted on the people of Ireland.

My cause of complaint is this:-The Reform Bill prepared for Ireland by the present administration is defective, partial, oligarchical, unjust, aud daringly insulting.

My object is twofold:-First, to prove the truth of these assertions; and, secondly, to solicit your assistance, in order to prevent the consummation of this iniquity.

But, as a preliminary, you have a right to know what species of Reform Bill I require for Ireland. I do not hesitate one momeut to give you that information. I ask, in the name of the Irish people, for just such a Reform Bill for Ireland as you have obtained for England-THAT IS ALL. Is my demand unfair or unjust? 1 anticipate an universal reply in the negative.

I ask, then, for Ireland a Reform Bill which shall be identical with the English bill, wherever an identity of institutions and of other circumstances allows it to be identical. Wherever institutions or other circumstances are not precisely similar, I then demand that the Reform Bill for Ireland should as closely resemble as possible the English Act-that it should be as similar in its provisions as possi

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Irish Tories-who, by-the-by, constitute the very worst class of Tories in existence.

I proceed to point out the principal particu lars in which the Irish Reform Bill differs from the English. They are these :First-The English bill greatly enlarges the elective franchise in the counties of England. The Irish bill, on the whole, diminishes the number of voters in the Irish counties. The bill for Scotland exceedingly increases the uumber of voters in Scotch counties. The Irish Reform Bill diminishes the number.

Secondly-The Irish bill creates too high and too aristocratic a franchise in the Irish towns and cities: it alters the present law to the prejudice of the people and in favour of the oligarchy.

Thirdly-Although the Irish Reform Bill' destroys the individual and direct power of nomination in sixteen boroughs, it substitutes s so exceedingly narrow a basis of franchise as effectually to render those boroughs close boroughs, and to make them liable to the most gross and profligate corruption.

4

Fourthly-It renders the registration of a' vote almost impossible for any but a rich man, and thus deprives the middle and poorer classes of their votes. This is effectuated by complication of detail in the registry, and by the pressure of great delay and enormous expense.

Fifthly-It leaves the registry of the votes to a set of persons, who, taken in the aggregate, are, from want of sufficient aptitude, and also by reason of their zealous Tory principles, the most unfit to have that power.

Sixthly-It continues all the enormous expense and delays of contested elections, which in England, under your Reform Bill, must be over in two or three days, but in Ireland, by our Reform Bill, may last full fifteen days, as before.

Seventhly-The Irish Reform Bill does not give Ireland her due and fair proportion of representatives in Parliament.

Eighthly-The Irish Reform Bill glaringly, and I may say gratuitously, insults the people of Ireland by giving an addition of ouly five members to all Ireland, while it allocates one out of the five to a single college-the College of Dublin-a college having already one member, without any adequate or just right to any representation.

Upon the whole, my decided and delibera

conviction is, that with the exception of throw on a freehold of a life or lives, subject to a ing open the representation of Beliast, Cork, heavy rent, and therefore capable of being Galway, and Dublin, the Irish Reform Bill abused-but also where it arose from a feewill make matters worse than they are at pre- simple estate, not subject to any rent whatsosent in Ireland with regard to the right and ever. This was not all-they raised the fraupower of the people to choose representatives. chise to what is an enormously high valuation In short, that it should be entitled, "An Act In a poor country-that is, to ten pounds to restore to power the Orange ascendancy in l annual value over rent and charges; and that, Ireland, and to enable that faction to trample 1 repeat, in a very poor country, where ten with impunity on the friends of reform and of pounds a year is certainly of three times the Constitutional freedom." importance of that sum in this country. But Such is the plan matured at a third attempt, even this was not all-they rendered actual by Mr. Stanley, for the reform in Ireland. He residence and occupation of the entire freehold, is, I know, determined to persevere in his mark, of the entire freehold-necessary to conmeasure. I also know that he will be sup-stitute a vote. But even this was not allported by all the Tories in the House, and by they superadded a most tedious, vexatious, a vast and overpowering majority of the expensive, and, in many instances, totally imWhigs. Indeed I have greatly to complain of practicable mode of registry of voters, as a the total disregard to Ireland-1 believe I preliminary to the right of voting. ought to call it contempt for Ireland-exhibited by the English Whigs and reformers in Parliament, with some, and but few exceptions.

I wish to dwell upon this point, that the British reformers may clearly comprehend how outrageouly unjust it is still to augment the difficulties in the way of the right to vote in Ireland, and still further, positively and directly, to diminish the number of Irish voters

I proceed now to prove the truth of my assertions. I take up my eight beads of complaint seriatim; and if the reformers of Eng-in Irish counties. land and Scotland will condescend to read these letters for I must extend them to at least three or four-1 pledge myself satisfactorily to demonstrate that every one of my objections is well founded, and that the Irish Reform Bill is a reform bill only in name— that it is a practical blunder, such as Irishmen never cominit that while it purports to reform, it renders matters worse; and in short, that it is one of those base delusions which could originate only in the brazen audacity and cold heart of an English Tory, who found himself placed in the attitude of an English Whig, with control over the present fortunes of unfortunate, long-oppressed, much-insulted, but, thank heaven, no longer weak or powerless Ireland.

My first complaint is, "that Stanley's Reform Bill for Ireland ought to augment, but will, in fact, diminish the number of voters in Irish counties."

Now the great principle of the English reform, as, indeed, of all reform, isenfran chisement," that is, to increase the number of voters. The principle of the Irish Reform Bill is disfranchisement, that is, to diminish the number of voters. This principle of disfranchisement, I must say, is not confined to counties. I shall show, before I have done, that it applies to some of our boroughs.

:-

This complaint is still more strong than any Englishman not acquainted with the details of Irish affairs could possibly conceive, and for this reason When the veracious Wellington and candid Peel were compelled by the people of Ireland to concede religious freedom to the Protestant dissenters of Eugland and Catholics of Ireland, they exerted a vicious ingenuity to make that concession as little valuable to popular liberty as possible. Accordingly they annihilated-they totally annihilated the 40s. franchise in Ireland, not only where it depended

I will illustrate the atrocious working of the Peel-Wellington Disfranchising Bill by some instances of its practical operation. Most of those instances are taken from the counties in which the Orange interest prevails. For example: in Armagh there were 8,419 voters on the 40s. franchise. These were replaced by 1,087 ten-pound voters-that is, seven-eighths were annihilated. In Cavan, 5,195 replaced by 781. In Down, 10,775 replaced by 1,902. In Donegal, 2,310 replaced by only 66. In Dublin county, the Metropolitan county, 2,490 replaced by 109. In Londonderry, 4,457 replaced by 839.

In Monaghan, 12,452, replaced by 946; in Mayo, 23,672, replaced by 335; Roscommon, 7,777, replaced by 470; Sligo, 4,551, replaced by 303; in Tyrone, 6,46%, replaced by 701; in Galway 22,055, replaced by 1,812.

I need not continue the catalogue. These numbers show that the Peel Wellington measure took, in twelve counties in Ireland, their votes from 110,612 voters, and replaced them by only 9,351. Thus, in little more than onethird of that country, destroying the franchise to the extent of more than 100,000 voters. The result of the lists of voters, in the remainiug counties, would be found not to differ materially from those I have above enumerated. I now appeal to every honest and candid reformer in Great Britain, whether the first step to a real, and not mock or delusive reform in Ireland, should not be to increase, not di-` minish, the franchise. Many of our counties were reduced to the station of close boroughs. The popular rights were nearly destroyed. If Stanley intended to give us reform, real reform, honest reform, would not his first effort be to increase the franchise, to augment the voters, and to give, at least, a reasonable portion of the people a voice in the choice of representatives ?