Judge, then, honest and manly reformers of ́ for any freehold estate, whether for life or in Great Britain, of the grief aud indignation fee. This franchise does not require actual with which your equally honest and deter- occupation by the freeholder. mined brother reformers of Ireland receive the Stanley Reform Bill, the operation of which is, not to augment, but still further to diminish, the number of our county voters. Reflect on this, which is the literal and plain! fact, that the Tories contrived, under the shadow of the Catholic Relief Bill, to render as oligarchical, as slose, and of course as corrupt as they possibly could, all the Irish counties-and that the only county reform to be given us by Stanley is, to make those counties more oligarchical, more close, aud therefore more liable to corruption. Let any one of you after this ask, why is Ireland discontented? Why is Ireland disturbed? Alas! do you not perceive the principle on which Whigs and Tories, with indiscriminate recklessness, govern Ireland?-The principle of never doing us, in any instance, justice, lest we should become so strong as to be able to put an end to our other oppressions. What I assert and insist on is, that the Irish Reform Bill ought to augment the franchise and increase the number of voters in our counties, as the English and Scotch Reform Bills have augmented the one and increased the other. It would be unjust to leave us stationary when the other parts of the empire increase the quantity of human freedom. It is doubly unjust to leave us stationary while we are suffering under a recent and most iniquitous diminution of our frauchises, and when there is an increase in the other divisions of the empire. But it transcends in injustice when the other parts of the empire are augmentedin franchise, to have an actual diminution take place in Ireland. No country in the world was ever treated so badly by an unnative government as Ireland has been by the Government of England. I could demonstrate that Poland had never so much reason to complain of Russia, nor Greece of the Turks-but I confess that the conduct of this reforming administration towards Ireland fills me with more of resentment than all the past. Reformers of Great Britain, you have no interest in Ireland's being ill-governed. On the contrary, your interest is that we should be well-governed and prosperous. I therefore, but much more readily, relying on your generous sympathies, appeal to you from the injustice and insult now offered us. Recollect that there will be, by your Reform Bill, the following rights of suffrage-the following franchises established in England : 1. The franchise of 40s. freeholders for life, or lives. This frauchise does not require occupation of the freehold by the freeholder, but it expires with the present race of possessors. 2. The franchise of 40s. freeholders in feesimple. This franchise is to continue in England, and does not require actual occupation. 3. The franchise of 101, clear yearly value 4. The franchise of similar value to copyholders. This franchise is, for the first time, given by the English Reform Bill, aud introduces a numerous class of new voters. 5. The original lessee or the assignee of a term originally of at least sixty years, of the clear yearly value of 101. This is a new franchise, and does not require actual occupation. 6. The original lessee, or the assignee of a term originally of at least twenty years, of the clear yearly value of 507. This is a new fran chise, and does not require actual occupation. 7. The sub-lessee, or assignee of a sub-lease of a term not less, originally, than sixty years, with a clear profit of 104. This is a new franchise, but requires actual occupation. It is the first franchise in England, which is encumbered by the necessity of actual occupation. 8. The sub-lessee, or assignee of a sublease of a term not less, originally, than twenty years, of the clear annual value of 50%. This is a new franchise, but it requires actual occupation. 9. Any tenant whatsoever, liable to a bonafide rent of 50l. a year. This is a new franchise and requires actual occupation. Such is to be the state of the elective franchise in England. It consists altogether of nine different classes of voters, and is an aug. mentation of former rights by no less than seven classes, and some of those classes are multitudinous in their nature-that is, capable of giving rights of voting to many indivi viduals oat of one property. How melancholy and miserable is the coutrast which the state of Ireland is destined to afford ! In Ireland we are to have but four classes of voters. 1. The existing one, a freehold of 104. clear annual value. This franchise requires actual occupation. 2. The existing right of freehold or 20/. clear annual value. This does not require actual occupation. 3. The lessee, or assignee of a term of ori giually not less than 14 years, of the clear yearly value of 201. This is a new frauchise, and does not require actual occupation. 4. The sub-lessee, or assignee of a sublease of a term of not less, originally, than 14 years, of the clear annual value of 201. This is a new franchise, and requires actual occu pation. These are all-and thus England has, at present, two franchises, and acquires by the Reform Bill, seven additional franchises. Ireland has at present two franchises, and ac quires by the Reform Bill, only two more. England, a rich country, has two franchises of 40s., multitudinous in their nature, and not requiring actual occupation. Four franchises of 101., one only of which requires actual occupation; besides two franchises of 50%. annual value, one only of which requires actual occupation; and one franchise of mere pay-form Bill was in danger, we flung overboard ment of 501. a year rent. our own grievances and our just resentments Mark the contrast with Ireland-Ireland, a-uay, more-had Wellington found any set poor country, has no 40s. franchise, has only one 107. franchise, and even that franchise requires actual occupation, Ireland has, then, but three franchises of the enormous value to us of 201. annual value, and one of these three requires actual occupation. To put this matter in a still more clear point of view-Let me take in England a single estate worth 507. a year, and in the hands of an occupying tenant who pays that rent for it. Now such a property as that could, in England, qualify no less than twenty-six persons to vote, while in Ireland such a property could not possibly qualify more than three persons to vote. Thus, then, the Euglish are to have the advantage, and I heartily rejoice at it, of seven new classes of voters-of nine classes in all; Ireland is to have but four classes-two only being new classes; that is, in new classes the English Bill is to the Irish as seven to two; in classes generally, as nine to four. But this approximation in the general classes is proved to be quite delusive, when you recollect that, in point of valued property, England has had advantages equal to twenty-six against three, or more than eight to one. of men mad enough to join him, in attempting your faithful servant, Thus, in new franchise, the English bill is THE Globe appears thoroughly inocuseven to two better than the Irish. Iu popular lated with the kind interest taken by character, as arising from property, it is more Lord PALMERSTON in the fortunes of our than eight, very nearly nine to one, better than the Irish bill; and let it always be recol- Tory diplomatists, and to share all his lected, that this difference is enormously aggravated by the fact, that Ireland is beyoud comparison the less wealthy country. I Let me not be misunderstood-I do not in confidingness in their zeal in behalf of a Whig Ministry. We are told of the great sacrifice of time and money at which our diplomatic functionaries are the least desire to diminish the advantages trained to diplomacy as a profession, which England possesses. On the contrary, say it with the utmost sincerity, my ardent and of the inadequate remuneration desire would be to augment these advantages. which in many cases the utmost adI am a radical reformer, and on principle vancement affords for such sacrifices. think every Englishman ought to have a right We are also reminded that the indivito vote. I quote, therefore, the advantages of the English Reform Bill-and they are very duals alluded to are almost universally great-only to show how defectively the Irish persons of the highest station and most bill is, as I firmly believe, wilfully and de- unexceptionable character, and tauntsignedly made. This letter has run into such length, that Iingly asked if we think it likely that must pause and reserve the residue of this my first complaint for another letter. these should be persons who would disgrace themselves, and blast their proI have hitherto confined my attention to spects, for the mere purpose of gratifyshow the necessity that exists to augment the number of voters in our counties, and to prove ing their political predilections. With that no sensible augmentation can take place respect to blasting their prospects, we under the Irish Reform Bill. I have shown may admit, without difficulty, that they the, to us, insulting contrast of the increase of will not do what they believe will blast. franchises and of voters given to England. In their prospects. But then we must my next letter I will prove, that the practical effect of the Irish bill will be to diminish the know what their prospects are, and number of voters, although au increase is so whether their prospects exactly lie in imperatively required by every principle of the same direction with the prospects justice and common sense. of a Whig Ministry. The Tories are Reformers of Great Britain, recollect that we have honestly and zealously stood by you certainly greatly indebted to Lord PALin the contest for reform. When your Re- MERSTON for the kind consideration which he has for the sacrifices of time the same confidence may not be reposed and money which they have made in in a Tory government. qualifying themselves for the ill-requited But we contend that the heads of profession of diplomacy. But the public a government are not entitled, in the are entitled to ask what national advan- disposal of the patronage of a nation, to tage is obtained by the employment of bestow it on their opponents. They this numerous army of persons of high thereby impair their means of conductstation at the Courts of Europe, great ing the government with due energy and small, at all equivalent to the enor- and vigour. If it be necessary to exmous expenditure entailed thereby on pend the revenues of the uation in the the nation. We had thought that, maintenance of a diplomatic establishunder a Whig Ministry, the only con-ment at the court of every petty state of sideration was to be the public good, Germany, Italy, &c., this money ought and not the finding places for Tories of to be chiefly given to those who support high station. In all professions a train-the Ministry. Why are Whigs and ing is necessary, and often an expensive reformers to be called on to make all training; but how many physicians, the sacrifices, while they see all the lawyers, and other professional men, do rewards bestowed on their opponents? not succeed after all this training! Aud why is the country to be saddled for ever with the maintenance of all those persons of high state, who have betaken themselves to diplomacy? We do not mean to contend that a Tory will in all cases abuse the confidence reposed in him by a Whig government; but, on the other hand, the doctrine of Lord PALMERSTON, that men Lord PALMERSTON's principles, as ex-of high station will not allow their pounded in The Globe, seem to be that abstract opinions to influence their cona government is best carried on by the duct while serving under a government instrumentality of those who, in opinion, acting on a system of which they disare opposed to it. We are to have Tory approve, may be carried a great deal too lord lieutenants and Tory magistrates; far. We have seen how anxiously Lord the army is to be entrusted to Tories-- ABERDEEN, the Duke of WELLINGTON, the diplomacy is to be entrusted to &c. laboured to involve this country Tories. We must not fasten a stigma with France, and to impede the settleupon the British character, "by pro-ment of the affairs of the Netherlands, claiming to every nation of Europe, Portugal, &c. Are we sure that the abthat an English gentleman is not fit to stract opinions of the Tory diplomatists be trusted that his official integrity may not occasionally induce them, in depends upon his political opinions, and gratitude to those to whom they owe that his duty to his country ranks, in his their appointments, to furnish them with estimation, only after his obligations to information calculated to further their his party." But why be so anxious for views? Besides, supposing no downparliamentary reform, if it be so neces- right treachery of this kind, political opisary, for the sake of the British cha-nions, if heartily embraced, are seldom racter, to repose blind confidence in so abstract as to be without their inTory gentlemen of high station? The House of Commons has generally consisted of gentlemen of good station, who, notwithstanding, continued to abuse the trust, to their own advantage; and the conviction that men of the best character are not to be blindly trusted in such a case, has led to the general desire for reform. If, as Lord PALMERSTON's advocate contends, the utmost confidence ought to be reposed in Tory functionaries, the public may ask, why fluence in practice in the mode of serving a cause. Do we not know that the dislike of the Tories to reform and improvement is not confined to this country ?--that they are opposed to the cause of civil and religious liberty all over the world? Can these men exert themselves cordially in furthering that cause? Are they so far, too, masters of themselves, that they never at the Courts at which they are stationed give expression to the hopes they entertain that their friends will regain power? If they have this mastery, it is more than is possessed by the persons by whom the Government offices at home are filled, who, under the very nose of Ministers, make no secret of their dislike of them, and act as if they were not accountable to them. We repeat, all this kindness and consideration for the Tory gentlemen in the diplomatic corps may obtain for Lord PALMERSTON the praise of great liberality from his opponents, but it is not calculated to benefit his Government or to satisfy the country. From the LONDON GAZETTE, INSOLVENT. LUNN, W., St. Mary-at-Hill, slopseller. BANKRUPTCY SUPERSEDED. EASTWOOD, W., Waterloo-rd., linen-draper. BANKRUPTS. BATTERSLY, H. and C., Hindley, shire, cotton-spinners. SCOTCH SEQUESTRATIONS. FALCONER, H., Edinburgh, hotel-keeper. FERRIE, T. B., Edinburgh, insurance-broker. Lanca-HUNTER, J., Glasgow, manufacturer. M'ALLEY, J., Glasgow, soap-maker. COLLIVER, J., Helston, Cornwall, hatter. FRANKLIN, T., Portsea, baker. GIBBON, R., Wateringbury, Kent, brewer. HARGRAVE, H., Hull, straw-hat-manufact. LAWS, J., Great Yarmouth, linen-draper. MITCHELL, T., Strand, hosier. MOULD, H., Chertsey, Surrey, grocer. THOMPSON, R., Old-street, St. Luke's, dealer in hardware. LONDON MARKETS. MARK- LANE, CORN-EXCHANGE, MÀY 28. Our supplies have been good, since this day se'nnight, of English, Scotch, Irish, and foreign wheat and flour, as also of English and Scotch malt, English beans, and English, Irish, and Scotch oats: of barley, peas, and seeds, from all quarters, but limited. This day's market was rather numerously attended, both by London and country buyers; but, as the sellers were stiff to their last week's position, the trade was throughout exceedingly dull with wheat, oats, and barley, though a few small parcels of the first description of each was said to have supported their last blanket-week's currency, generally speaking, at a depression of from Is. to 2s. per quarter; with rye, beans, peas, and malt, at last Monday's. quotations. Flour, as the buyers of it seemed determined to keep off, was expected to fall 5s. THORP, T. D., Manchester, linen-draper. WORTHY, J. M., Exeter, and J. D. Worthy, |
