ページの画像
PDF
ePub

COBBETT'S WEEKLY POLITICAL REGISTER.

VOL. 76.-No. 10.]

LONDON, SATURDAY, JUNE 9TH, 1832.

THE KING.

[Price Is. 2d.

"of the golden opportunity of this grand "national occasion to renew his solemn

[ocr errors]

covenant of affection and liberty with "his loyal subjects. Arrangements had "been made for his Majesty's popular "reception by deputations from the "different parishes of the metropolis. "Up to a late hour yesterday afternoon "the King was at St. James's, which was naturally considered as an indica"tion of his intention to go down to THE royal assent will, it appears, be" Parliament in person this day; and a given to the Reform Bill this day," report was current, that the royal Thursday, the 7th of June; a day that "equipages were prepared for the joywill be memorable in the annals of "ous event. His Majesty, however, England. The morning papers tell us," took his departure last night for that the assent is to be given by com- "Windsor, and with feelings of deep mission, and NOT BY THE KING IN" regret we deem it to be our duty to PERSON! Well; it is his affair, not" allay the public anxiety and certain mine. If there be consequences attend-" disappointment by this previous coming this, the consequences are his, and "munication. Such a grievous decision not those of the people. Some of the " cannot, we are confident, be attrinewspaper writers are very angry at "buted to the cabinet; it must emanate this: I am not: I was much more angry "from those despicable minions who when poor JOSEPH MASON, who had" have unhappily misled his Majesty, walked from the north of HAMPSHIRE" and who, for their own base party to BRIGHTON, to carry a most respectful" purposes, endeavour to estrange him petition to the King, was told by HER-" from the affections of the people. BERT TAYLOR, that the King would not" The back-stairs intriguers-the mireceive it, and that he must carry it to" serable whisperers in the royal ear, are the Secretary of State in London; aye, "the responsible agents of this national and a vast deal more sorry was I when " disappointment; they have destroyed this JOSEPH MASON was, soon after-" themselves, and they now seek to inwards, transported for life, for being "volve the monarch in their own fall. amongst the rioters in Hampshire. My" On their heads be the responsibility friend Dr. BLACK is very angry about" and consequences of the act. this matter. "We communicate to the " Majesty must be surrounded by decountry, with deep and sincere grief, "ceivers and calumniators of the people; "the fact that his MAJESTY will not at-" his own natural impulses would other"tend in person to give the royal assent" wise have gratified the ardent and "to the English Reform Bill. A more" loyal hopes of his subjects."

[ocr errors]
[ocr errors]

46

His

unfortunate determination could not Come, come, Doctor, don't cry: dry "have been imposed on the King, and up your tears; or, if you must shed "it must have been instigated by cour- some, let it be for the husbandless "tier advisers surrounding the royal wives and fatherless children in Hamp person, actuated by a desire to sow shire and Wiltshire; let it be for the "jealousies between the Monarch and parents of poor Cook of Micheldever, his people. The utmost excitement who was hanged for striking Bingham pervaded this great metropolis the Baring, without doing him any bodily "whole of yesterday, from an anxiety harm. Never break your heart about "that his Majesty should avail himself these people, who have such a plenty of

86

L

· palaces already, and who have another | Let us all, high blood and low blood, be of enormous size now building, at ex-good-humoured now. pense enough to frighten one to think The closing debate was not without of. All is for the best, be you assured, interest; especially that part of it which Doctor; and, though you are bathed in relates to the POLITICAL UNIONS. tears on account of it, it is, perhaps, the shall first insert the debate, and then revery best thing that could have hap-mark on it. pened.

WM. COBBETT.

REFORM BILL.

This bill is, at last, become a law by the decision of the House of Lords on the 4th instant, which is the anniversary of the birth of GEORGE THE THIRD, of whom and whose acts I will say only this, that it was those acts which created the true causes of this bill. The bill was passed in a House of 128 peers present (no proxies being presented); and there were for it 106, and against it 22! Well done, bucks! you have, at last, done just what I said you would do; namely, -oppose the bill, till every man in the country had feelings towards you that need not be described; and then, PASS IT, grinding your teeth all the while! The Lords, who stuck to the stuff to the last, were, as the report in the Morning Chronicle states, the follow-ing:

[ocr errors][merged small][merged small][merged small][merged small][merged small][merged small][merged small][merged small][merged small][merged small][merged small][merged small][merged small][merged small]

REFORM BILL.

I

Earl GREY moved the order of the day for the third reading of the Reform Bill.

This

The Earl of WINCHILSEA-Although he was little disposed at present to trouble their Lordships with any observations of his, yet he with a few words on this closing scene of the could not help trespassing on their patience tragedy which had been of late enacting in Parliament. This night was that on which the existence of this House as an independent night the independence of that House would branch of the legislature depended. be gone for ever, and those who were then present would witness the last act of its downfal. It was a daring and atrocious policy which had produced such a disastrous result. When he reflected on the height of prosperity, power, and glory, to which this country had advanced under its old institutions and happy constitution, which was now to be sacrificed at the shrine of ambition-when he considered the revolution which had formerly taken place in France, and the crimes and calamities with which it had been attended, and the military despotism in which it had terminated-when he reflected how the happy constitution of this country had withstood the storms and tempests with which it had been assailed, and that it had not only preserved itself, but had assisted other countries in preserving their independence-when he reflected how that constitution had enabled the noble Duke (Wellington), who was not now in his place, to place the British banners on the walls of Paris, and to tear from his lofty seat the tyrant who then afflicted Europe-when he reflected that this constitution was now humbled in the dust, he could not help feeling deeply the lamentable change that was now about to be cousummated. When the noble Earl now at the head of the administration entered on the situation which he now held, he supported his adminis tration for a short time. He had though highly of the talents, the firmness, and general ability of the noble Earl; and after the warm declarations that he had made of his sense of the dignity of that House, he never imagined that the noble Earl would do anything that must necessarily lead to the destruction of that House, and the downdownfal of the constitution. (Hear. hear.) But he had been most lamentably disappointed. He had been, indeed, strongly advised by his friends not to support it; and he deeply re

gretted that he had not followed that advice, for if he had followed it, he would, at least, have been saved the pangs of repentance

[ocr errors]

which he now felt for having supported the noble Earl's administration, even for a short time. (Hear, hear.) He called the attention of the noble Earl to a speech of an eminent statesman now no more (Mr. Canning), and if the noble Earl would peruse that speech, and all the speeches of that statesman which had reference to this subject, he would see how much opposed the sentiments which pervaded these speeches were to the measure with which the noble Earl had overwhelmed the constitution of this country, and insured its downfal. It would be impossible for the noble Earl to avoid experiencing the deepest feelings of remorse, when in future times, which he might live to witness, he saw this once happy country plunged into misery, to which it was impossible but that the present bill must eventually lead. The noble Earl, instead of relying upon the great good sense, the property, honour, and intelligence of the nation, had delivered himself over to the radical, revolutionary, and infidel spirit of the age. Come what might, he and his noble Friends could not but feel that they had discharged a solemn duty to the public, and they could not doubt that however remote the time might be, yet a time would come and a feeling arise when the sentiments and principles on which they had acted would receive justice at the hands of the people of England. (Cheers.)

The LORD CHANCELLOR then rose to put the question that the bill be read a third time, when

share in the proceeding; and the recollection of what then took place, as well as what had occurred since, and what was now going for ward, rendered him incapable of resisting the impulse under which he was urged to trouble the House with a few words on the introduc tion of this measure, the means by which it was carried, and the consequences that would probably eusue from it-consequences which, he had no doubt, the noble Earl opposite would as deeply deplore as any member of that House. He had often stated, and he would not refrain from repeating that assertion, that the mere introduction of that measure struck the severest blow against the independence of the hereditary branch of the legislature which it had ever sustained. When it was a second time introduced into the other House of Parliament, and a second time adopted, the blow came with redoubled force; but he yet entertained a confident hope that such amendments might have been introduced as, without trenching on the principles of the measure, might have rendered it compara tively innoxious-such amendments as would have enabled those who in that House strenuously opposed it, to vote for the third reading without inconsistency. For example, if double representatives had been given to the boroughs contained in schedule B, there would still have been left a better chance for the admission of men of unquestionable talent and character, who might be unwilling to face the trouble and expense of offering themselves to The Earl of HARROWBY addressed their large constituencies. All history had proved Lordships. He remembered to have heard a that the most efficient and valuable members story, which he thought was somewhat appo- of the other House of Parliament were site on the present occasion. In a House of members of the class most unwilling to preParliament in a sister country, a member ad- sent themselves to popular places. He had dressed some questions to the Government of further flattered himself that the places in schethe day, and receiving no answer, he sudden- dule C would have been left as originally inly exclaimed "Am I addressing an Irish tended. He used the word intended, because he Senate, or a Turkish Divan-are we to be bore in mind the expressed intentions of the strangled by mutes?" (Cheers.) He confessed promoters of the measure. And he likewise he was not prepared for such a manifestation expected that schedule D might have been alon the part of the noble Earl opposite, of the together dispensed with, as well as that some sense he entertained of the depth of degrada- of the metropolitan districts might have been tion to which the House had sunk. He was consolidated, so as to give two additional not prepared that the noble Earl should so members to Middlesex, and to give two repreplainly show his sense of that degradation as sentatives to the agricultural districts of Lannot vouchsafe a reply. He could not but ad- cashire. Thus many of the painful conse→ mire the courage of the noble Earl in leaving quences, the heats and animosities which arose such a speech as that which the House had from their being but single members to difjust heard, without an answer. For himself, ferent places might be avoided. He had not he found scarcely adequate language to con- himself at any time a very strong objection to vey to any one whom he might address upon the 107. franchise, provided the other parts of such a subject the intense disgust which he the bill were rendered unobjectionable; felt at the present condition of that House- though the noble Earl himself admitted that at the position in which it had been placed by the amount of that franchise did by no means the proceedings of the noble Earl and his col- form a principle of the bill. Still it might leagues; and he felt that he could hardly ex- have been retained without drawing too plain to himself, still less make intelligible to largely on the consistency of those by whom others, why he had so far surmounted those the bill was generally opposed, provided feelings as to take a part in the conclusion of were to be regulated by the payment of taxen. that sad drama-a drama remarkable for a the valuation for the poor-rates, and residence large variety of plots. When its first act com--thus adopting the principle of the noble Earl menced, he certainly, from a paramount sense himself, that of securing the most independent of duty, had been induced to take an active and respectable body of electors which the

country could supply. He should not trouble bill as to make it what was asserted it would their Lordships with any further discussion on be-a mockery if sent down to the House of the principles or details of the measure, but Commons in that state. So far from such a he would at least indulge himself by saying, probability at all existing, the bill would have that he had hoped they would have been gone down to them with a preamble not maallowed to discuss it in an independent House terially changed, and occupying the place of Lords: and he was the more led to enter- which preambles usually did. They would tain that expectation from the speech of the find schedule A the first of the schedules, and noble Earl's which induced them to consent [not materially changed. They would find the to the second reading of the bill. In that greater part of the other schedules, occupying speech he repudiated in the most indignant similar situations to those in which they were terms the accusation made against him, of an originally placed, without their character attempt to dictate to that House. In that being in any great degree altered. In fact the remarkable speech he declared, that the bill would not have undergone any changes phrase he used was misunderstood and mis- beyond what are frequent in the business of represented. He declared, that whatever legislation in this country. It surely could be might be his opinion respecting the bill, the no matter of importance to the other House of decision rested with their Lordships; with Parliament if a motion were entertained and whatever urgency he might press the principle of the bill upon them for adoption, the arrangement of details rested with the committee of that House; but they could not shut their eyes to this important truth that was conveyed to them-that if they decided one way, there was an end to their independence for ever. Certainly the noble Earl had stated the extreme course which he proposed to pursue, unless a case of necessity arose. That case of necessity confessedly was a collision between the two Houses of Parliament. The noble Earl admitted from the commencement, that nothing could excuse, much less justify, that extreme proceeding, except for the purpose of preventing a hopeless collision between the two Houses of Parliament, at a time when the opinion of the people supported the one House against the other. There was one expression of the noble Earl's which was to be found in that record of the proceedings, which members of Parliament have universally resorted to whenever it became necessary to refer to former speeches, and with that record before him he hesitated not to say that the sentiments imputed to the noble Earl were fully borne out by his words. If, however, instead of resting upon that generally received record, he (Lord H.) depended upon his own recollection, he would say that it turnished him with language much stronger than that attributed to the noble Earl by the publication before him. He had a distinct remembrance of the assurance given to the House, that its independence would not be violated without a fresh appeal to the people distinctly resting upon the question of reform. Those were the means which the noble Earl proposed for preventing that species of collision between the Houses of Parliament which alone was to be apprehended, and which alone, upon the showing of the noble Earl himself, justified the alternative which he proposed. He would then ask their Lordships, did not the statement and admission of the noble Earl bind him to wait, for the purpose of seeing whether the necessity would or would not arise. It was a gross misrepresentation to say that noble Lords had at any time contemplated alterations which would have so altered the

agreed to for the postponement of schedule A;
of what importance could it possibly be to the
House of Commons that one part of the bill
was discussed and arranged before another,
provided the whole were returned to that
House in such a condition as would not justify
the assertion that it was essentially or funda-
mentally altered? He believed he should be
fully borne out in the statement, that not
above two or three noble Lords in that House
were adverse to the whole of schedule A, and,
therefore, he was warranted in assuming that
the bill might have been returned to the
Commons with its more important principles
unimpaired. If any one had asserted in his
presence that the noble Earl would have as-
sumed that the circumstances which had taken
place did constitute that extreme necessity
which would alone justify the course the noble
Earl contemplated, he (Lord H.) would have
repudiated such an imputation as a base
calumny upon the character of the noble Earl,
and he would have felt it to be his duty, in
common justice, to have vindicated the cha-
racter of the noble Earl from such an asper-
sion. As to the power which it had been said
had been given to the noble Earl, he would
not characterize the means by which it was
obtained in those terms which his present
thoughts suggested. He had no doubt that
eveu the present age, when it recovered its
senses, would form a just estimate of those
means, and posterity, which never erred,
would pronounce upon them a solemn judg-
ment. He would designate them as a party
manoeuvre. But whatever language best be-
fitted their character, it must be acknowledged
they had hitherto been attended with a tem-
porary, though he feared, a mischievous
success. He was not the man to envy that
success. He could not envy the triumph
which enabled the Ministry to trample on the
Crown and the House of Lords, by fostering a
power which would soon trample upon them.
(Loud cheers.) The noble Earl and he, from
their common time of life, could not expect to
witness the termination of that down hill pro-
gress to which this country was destined
(cheers)-a progress which could never be ar-
rested, otherwise than by Government taking

decided steps to suppress those associations which advanced to this stage by any indirection or could coalesce with no regular or established by any party manoeuvre, he would leave those order of things. The political unions had in a to judge who observed the course of his and great measure achieved the work of reform; his colleagues' proceedings. He repeated, and they must be perfectly conscious that they that of all attacks which related to himself he could at any time accomplish objects as great felt the least anxious; but if it were possible and not less mischievous. Not only would for him to feel less anxiety about one thing the Government of the noble Earl opposite than another, it would be to vindicate his find it necessary to suppress associations of that friends from the charge of being mutes. It nature, but he was unable to conceive the really was a novelty to hear it said that the formation of any government which could sus-constitution had been strangled by mutes. tain itself against them. (Cheers.) The mea-Without meaning anything uncivil to the sure was now, for the last time, brought under noble Earl, whose alienation he regretted, the consideration of their Lordships. The short as was their connexion, he must affirm whole responsibility, whether for good or evil, that no assertion could be made so utterly unrested with the Government by whom it was warranted by fact. He believed he could proposed, and he prayed that God would grant appeal to their Lordships to bear him out in them the wisdom and the prudence to rescue the assertion, that no topic of discussion had the country from its consequences. He sin- been raised which had not been completely cerely wished, though he scarcely expected, exhausted; and if he did not reply to the uoble that they might prove successful. But he Earl's (Winchilsea's) speech immediately, it looked much more to the people than to the arose from a feeling that he had too often, Ministers; he relied on the elastic power of and at too great length, trespassed on the atthat great good sense which had carried the tention of their Lordships. Looking back to people of England through so many dangers. the various debates that had taken place, he Let the Government, however, beware? They felt that it would be impossible for any one to.. had administered poison, no doubt, to a strong contradict the assertion, that no one part of stomach; but however strong that stomach the measure had been imperfectly discussed. might be, if it were administered day by day, It was so long before their Lordships, all its and hour by hour, it was not in humanity to principles and details had been so fully exresist its noxious power. Be the results, how-amined into, all its merits estimated, and its ever, what they might, the opponents of the bill had the satisfaction of feeling they had done their duty. (Cheers.).

bearings so viewed, that it became unnecessary for him to say one word, had it not been for the speech they had just heard, which Earl GREY-In the state of health in which charged him with conduct inconsistent with he was, and at that stage of the bill, he hoped his duty as a peer and a servant of the Crown. he would have been spared the pain to him. The noble Earl seemed to have forgotten or self, and the trouble to their Lordships, of mistaken the declarations he had made in that addressing them at all. But after the speech House-declarations for which, when he of the noble Earl, he could not avoid standing uttered them, he expected to receive full credit up, not so much to vindicate the measure, as from the House and the country. Now, as at his colleagues and himself. (Cheers.) Were all times, he would support the institutions of the attacks personal to himself, he should the country, which had so much promoted the certainly not have occupied a moment of their glory and the prosperity of England. He was Lordships' time in the discussion; but as they sincerely attached to them, and would ever involved the character of the Government, he continue to defend them. But, as Lord Bacon felt that neither in justice to the Sovereign or observed, Time was the greatest innovator; himself he could remain silent. He hoped and it was in vain, however attached he might that the House, as well as the posterity to be to those ancient institutions, to attempt which the noble Earl appealed, would acquit to resist that destroyer, before whom all huhim of any sinister views of an ill-regulated man institutions must ultimately yield. The ambition, and would give him credit for that constitution of England might be beautiful in sincerity of motive of which he had at all theory and beneficial in practice; but abuses times felt perfectly conscious. He trusted had crept in, and the remedy could no longer that he should from every quarter receive be delayed. In that situation he found himcredit for an earnest desire to introduce a self, and even if disposed, he was destitute of measure consistent with the ancient constitu- the power to resist a measure of reform. But tion of the country-a measure necessary to the inclination he never had: the opinions of remove the abuses which time had introduced, early life were confirmed by the experience of and, above all, rendered necessary, by the latter years. Entertaining such sentiments, prevailing alienation between the House of could he shrink from avowing and acting on Commons and their constituents, which de-them? The noble Earl then proceeded to prived the former of the confidence of the latter. To remove those abuses, and to prevent their continuance to meet that necessity which he did not create, he had introduced the measure on which their Lordships were that night finally to decide. Whether it had been

detail the introduction of the bill, the principles on which it was founded-its progress through the House of Lords; and strenuously urged on their Lordships the necessity of now agreeing to the third reading. He denied that he had ever used language which could justify

« 前へ次へ »