represented, although at present they not mean to enter upon that subject were not represented. This would be" now, as it is probable we shall have the first object of the bill. A second" abundant opportunities to consider it "object of the bill would be to conjoin" afterwards; but I do say that this coun and consolidate certain boroughs, each |“ try has now a Legislature more calca, of which now returned two members to "lated to answer all the purposes of a good Parliament, so as to return two mem- Legislature than any other that can bers for the consolidated boroughs; the " well be devised that it possesses, and purpose of this being to prevent the in- deservedly possesses, the confidence of convenience of an addition to the pre- "the country, and that its discussions sent numbers of the House of Commons" have a powerful influence in the by the introduction of members for "" country. And I will say further, that places not before represented. And a" if I had to form a Legislature, I would "third provision of the bill would be to" create one-not equal in excellence to "extend the elective franchise to persons "the present, for that I could not ex. not now entitled to vote, so as to prevent "pect to be able to do, but something "the abuse of the elective franchise in" as nearly of the same description as boroughs. In order to prove that he possible. I should form it of men *was seriously resolved to bring in this" possessed of a very large proportion bill in the event which he had men- "of the property of the country, tioned, he proposed that the notice" which the landholders should have a should be entered in the books, and " great preponderance. I, therefore, *that the Lords be summoned for Mon- " am not prepared with any measure of * day next." "Parliamentary Reforın, nor shall ang Good! So we have now two parlia- "measure of the kind be proposed BY mentary reforms! Instead of no reform "THE GOVERNMENT AS LONG at all, we have the two parties contend-" AS I HOLD MY PRESENT POSI ing for the honour of giving us a reform!" TION.” How different from the declaration of We have this, then, safely upon rethe Duke of Strathfieldsay, when he was cord; and, it never ought to be forgotten Our Prime Cock! And let us now, by the people of England. If we were before we go any further, see what that to believe the drunken reporther, “his declaration was, for it is a thing, not Grace of Strathfieldsay" has softened only not to be forgotten by the people, somewhat; for the reporther says, that, but something for a reformed Parlia- in this debate, he said, that when the ment to take into view, when they will Duke of Buckingham's Bill came before be inquiring (as I trust they soon will the House, he would give it his best conbe) into past transactions, and partieu-sideration, with a view to see, whether larly into transactions connected with it could be safely passed into a law! this man. The declaration, as published in the newspapers, was as follows:

Oh, oh! he is becoming complying, then, is he! If he be ready to consider, whether disfranchisement, enfranchisement, and extension of suffrage, may not safely be adopted, what becomes of his declaration of 2nd November 1830? That is gone, at any rate; or, rather, it remains, and will live for ever as a standard of the size of his capacity for

The Duke of WELLINGTON. "But then "the noble Earl_had recommended the "expedient of Parliamentary Reform, "and remarked that he did not think that the Government was as yet pre"pared with any plan on the subject. "The noble Earl was right, for cer"tainly the Government was not pre-governing a country. A little while be"pared with any plan of Parliamentary Reform. I will go further, and say, "that I never heard that any country ever had a more improved or more "satisfactory representation than this country enjoys at this moment. I do

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fore he made this memorable declaration, I advised him to give some little reform, as the effectual means of keeping the hungry WHIGS out of place. Thank God, he did not follow my advice; for if he had, we might have been noodled

along for another year or two, gaping seems to have been a title to favour with

for the further good things that he had in store for us. He now sees his error; but he sees it too late: like all men of this description, he becomes wise by tasting the fruits of his folly. What It was bad enough to see him and his equally-wise colleague, PEEL'S-BILLPEEL, tack about, and propose Catholic Emancipation; but that was nothing to this; for here, if the reporther do not lie, he is ready to consider, whether that may not be changed, which he declared to be the most perfect system of legislation that the world had ever seen, and the equal of which no human wit could devise.

this Ministry, ever since they have been in power. For this reason their sincerity has been suspected, and is yet suspected, by every bady. The people are indignant at seeing themselves taxed for the support of great swarms of the openly-avowed enemies of that reform which they are all so anxious to obtain.

The bill, if it pass a second reading, is, it seems, to go into a committee on Monday next; so that we shall soon know the result. With regard to the speeches, they contain, and they could contain, nothing new ; but, there are two or three topics on which I shall offer a few remarks.

First, with regard to the charge so often made against Lord GREY of hav ing been the cause of all this stir in the country, by having unnecessarily pro posed his Reform Bill, Strathfieldsay's Duke is reported to have said this in the following words:

The conduct of the Ministers has placed the country in this condition; and before the quetion can have a calm and deliberate consideration, they ought to place the country in the state, as regarded this question, in which it stood before. (Cheers.) Are we to be hurried

Having read the reporther's account of what passed in this debate, I shall remark on certain parts of it, knowing, at the same time, that to do even this, demands some apology to my readers. The debates have gone, as far as Wednesday night, this being Thursday morning. They are to end, it seems, on Friday, owing to the complaisance of Lord GREY towards the Strathfieldsay-Duke; and here let me stop to observe, that Lord Grey has lost, with the country, more by his unaccountable complai-on in this state of things, with a measure sance towards this man than it is possible for me to describe. The main body of the people are sincere; and they find it extremely difficult to believe, that the Minister can be sincere towards them, while he carries his complaisance to such a surprising extent, towards this great enemy of their cause, whose insulting declaration of 1830 they have never forgotten and never will forget, and with which declaration, I, for my part, have yet not done. In truth, Lord GREY has suffered prodigiously for his general complaisance towards the enemies of reform. STURGES BOURNE, for instance, quitted his seat rather than support reform, and the Minister seems to have been hugging him to his bosom ever since. HORACE TWISS lost his seat by his strenuous opposition to the first bill; and Lord GREY gives him a sinecure place, and he is now writing pamphlets against his Ministry and his measures. In short, to have been a bitter opponent of the bill and an abuser of the people

which no one had attempted to prove to be the institutions of the country to be brought to practicable? (Cheers.) Is the security of all risk, because the House of Commons is in a state which prevented it from giving to this bill a deliberate consideration? (Cheers.) My which have prevented the Commons from duly Lords, I cannot think that the difficulties considering this bill, and from taking the course which would have been consistent with its own character, and with the safety of the constitution, are of a permanent nature. They have been created by the Government, (Cheers.) They are only temporary; and they can, and they ought to be removed by the Government which created them. (Cheers.) Another reason which the noble Earl alleges of the country demands this bill. Now, my for his change of opinion is, that the opinion Lords, I hold that there can be no doubt whatever that, from the close of 1829 to the begin→ ning of 1831, there existed no opinion in favour my Lords, no opinion generally prevalent of reform in this country. (Hear.) I mean, amongst the people. (Hear! and a laugh.) [ repeat, my Lords, that I believe the fact to be, that there was not any generally prevalent (Cheers.) The fact was fully admitted in the feeling on the subject of reform in that period. discussions on the subject in the House of Commons, and has since been published to

the world. But when the revolution took him. The history of the scandalous place in France, and when Belgium set an- transaction, to which Doctor Black alother example of the same nature, then a sentiment in favour of Parliamentary reform ludes, is this: CANNING became a mibegan to spread. (Hear.) That feeling was nister in May 1897. Instantly the called into existence by the events which had Whigs, with the exception of Lord occurred abroad, and it had a great influence GREY, ran, in greediness, towards the CRIB. Lord JOHN RUSSELL had, at

on the elections which were then about to take place, and had, consequently considerable influence on the Parliament which met for the first time in 1830. The noble Earl opposite came into office at a time when such sentiments prevailed in Parliament and throughout the country. (Hear.) But at that time both the House of Commons and the people would have been satisfied with a moderate reform; but the noble Earl thought proper to dissolve the Parliament, and to bring on an election at a time of unparalleled excitement. (Hear.) There was no cause whatever for the dissolution at that time, for the House of Commons would then have passed a moderate Reform Bill. (Hear.)

that time, given notice of a motion for his Tonbridge-ware Parliamentary reform; but the old and insolent enemy of the people, CANNING, would have lost al! his old friends, if he had not explicitly declared against Parliamentary reform. He did this, by saying that he would oppose it, in whatever shape or degree it might be proposed, to the end of his life. Hereupon Lord JOHN RUSSELL, Sir BOBBY, BURDETT, HOBHOUSE, and Brougham, all tacked about: Lord What! was there no demand for re- John Russell withdrew his motion for form from the close of 1829 to the be- the Tonbridge-ware reform; and he ginning of 1831? How often will it be and Brougham both said, that the people necessary to assert the contrary of this? no longer wished for reform. LansThere has been a demand for reform downe actually joined Canning, and beever since I can recollect. I myself came his secretary of state. And the was in almost all the counties of Eng- Edinburgh Review, in an article written land, in the first half of the year 1830: by this very MACAULAY, and published and I know that the cry for reform was in the month of June 1827, almost more general and more loud than I had called Lord Grey a stupid sot, for obever known it before. Doctor Black, jecting to come into power, without in his paper of this day, has the follow-being able to propose a Parliamentary ing curious passage, which manifestly reform! This was the occasion when gives countenance to Strathfieldsay's as- BURDETT stuck his knees in CANNING'S sertions. The passage I allude to is back. These fellows were agreed, inthis:-"A man cannot be always deed, to "waive reform;" and they pulling down and rebuilding his would have agreed, upon their oaths, to "house, for though he may be satisfied abandon it for ever, upon condition of "of its defects, on casting up the ac- being admitted to the CRIB; but is counts, the inconvenience attendant Doctor BLACK warranted in describing on an alteration may induce him to this miserable crew as "the reformers "submit as long as possible to these of England?" Lord GREY did himself "defects. In this way for instance, great honour by rejecting the overtures "the reformers, aware of Mr. CANNING'S of Canning: he presented, in his con"sentiments with regard to reform, duct, such a striking contrast with the agreed to waive the agitation of the other mean wretches, that it became question, in order not to throw difficul- impossible for the nation not to have "ties in his way at a time when they great confidence in him; and great con"believed that his Ministry would be fidence in him the nation has had on highly beneficial not only to this em- that very account. "The reformers' "pire, but to Europe in general." This never waived their claim for one single is as great a falsehood and as impudent moment; they remembered all the ina falsehood as ever was put upon paper. famous abuse poured on them by CAN"The reformers" never agreed to any NING; they despised the bands of litesuch thing: they detested CANNING as rary hirelings, Irish and Scotch, who cordially as they had always detested were well paid for singing the praises

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of that insolent and shallow upstart; | debate was, the expense which would they execrated the Whigs, who were be the consequence of making a reform ready to join him and to abandon the of the Parliament. Strathfieldsay concause of reform; and they loathed, even tended that reform of the Parliament, to sickness, that BURDETT, one-half of so far from relieving the people whose speeches for twenty years had from any part of their burdens, will been employed in reprobating the prin- add greatly to those burdens; for that, ciples and conduct of that very CANNING. a much greater military force will be It was a crew of base Whigs rushing to required to keep the people in order. the crib, and not the reformers of Eng-One would suppose it almost impossible land, who entered into this villanous that this could have been delivered in agreement.

Parliament. However, it certainly does Strathfieldsay's Duke finds no coun- accord with that which the Ministers tenance here, therefore; and as to the themselves have put forth. STANLEY, subject of reform not having been BABBINGTON MACAULAY, HOBHOUSE, agitated during the years 1829 and 1830, and in this debate MELBOURNE, have what a statement, what an assertion to all appeared anxious to declare that the be put forth in print; when it is noto- reform will certainly bring the people rious that the Duke's declaration against no pecuniary relief; and if I thought it; that that and nothing else, drove that, I would oppose the reform as a him out of office! Long before the Par- cheat, as a scandalous fraud committed liament met in the fall of 1830; long upon the people; nay, if I did not think before the last French revolution took it certain that the reform would bring place; even before the prorogation of us cheap government, and cheap relithe previous Parliament, the cry for gion, I would cast it from me as somereform agitated the whole country; so thing too despicable to engage my attenthat, to ascribe the stir now existing in tion for a moment. But now let us the country to Lord Grey; to ascribe hear what Strathfieldsay is, by the rethe discontents of the people to him porther, made to say upon this subject; and his bill, is the most monstrous act and I make no apology for dwelling of injustice that ever was committed. upon this subject, for it is the all in all; Upon this part of the subject, the and I declare beforehand, that the respeech of my Lord RADNOR was com- form will not be worth a straw unless plete. It was a complete defence of it give us government and religion as Lord Grey against this charge; a de- cheap as those in the United States fence which neither he nor any one for of America; and I further declare, him has ever before made.

that, for my part, nothing shall inBut the best part of Strathfieldsay's duce me to sit in any Parliament speech is this: he is reported to have more than one session, unless the peosaid, that, if Lord GREY, when he came ple will support me, and that in the into power, had proposed a moderate proper manner too, in my endeavours reform, the people would then have been to produce that cheap government and satisfied with it. Indeed! Why did not that cheap religion. I do not want a you, then, propose that moderate re- parliamentary reform for the sake of a form? Why did not you yourself pro- theory. I want it that I may get rid of pose that, instead of declaring that you the tax-gatherer; that I may be allowed would never give any at all? I advised to make my own malt, grow my own you to do it; but luckily you rejected hops, turn my own fat into soap, keep my advice: you followed your own what horses I like, keep what servants course; and now you are feeling the I like, keep what dogs I choose have consequences of it; and I trust you will what windows I want without being continue to feel them, even unto the liable to have my house rummaged, to end of your life. be called before commissioners and Another and very important topic judges, to be fined and imprisoned, or introduced into this publication of a to yield half my substance in

in tithes. These are the things that I Were the events at Lyons as speedily and want a reform for. I want it that the easily quelled? I know, my Lords, that those events were of a larger nature, but they retaxes and tithes may not. take away quired not less than 40,000 of the best troops from the employers the means of pay in France, headed by a most able general, the ing the working people wages that will minister at war, and a prince of the blood, to give them meat and bread, instead of put them down. Consider well, my Lords, potatoes. I want it, in short, for the first, the causes of this difference; and next see whether it is possible for you to expect purpose of getting rid of the taxes and that the civil government can be carried on as the tithes. But the reporther makes hitherto, under a government such as you will Strathfieldsay assert, that reform will establish if you pass this bill. (Hear, hear!) make me pay more taxes instead of less. Here, then, it is taken for granted The noble Lord (his Majesty's Secretary of that there must be a stouter army still, Stare) who has spoken on this subject, has and a much stouter gendarmerie, if the admitted that this measure, extensive as it is, Reform Bill be passed, for that much will not relieve the distresses of the country. I

say, my Lords, that it will deeply aggravate greater disposition to riot will prevail them. But let us look further, and see whe- amongst the people. What! let us see ther the system itself is good, and whether it a little how this tallies with other ob is likely to produce good to the country. If jections that have been made to the bill. your lordships will take the trouble of examin- The great objection to the bill has been ing into what has passed within the last two

years in France, you will see that the French and is, that it gives too much power to expenditure has been increased in that time the people; that it will make the memfifty millions sterling beyond the usual ex-bers of Parliament dependant on the penditure. You will see that its ordinary voice of the people at large; and the budget, notwithstanding the study that has been applied to be as saving as possible, ex-reporther makes this DUKE say in this ceeds the budget of the former reigns-of the same speech, that demagogues and not extravagant reign of the Bourbons-by the gentlemen will be chosen in the great amount of ten millions sterling; and besides towns; and that the members will act this, there is the extraordinary expenditure of

fifty millions in two years. (Hear.) Look at upon instructions immediately received that, my Lords, as a system of cheap govern- from their constituents. Put men of ment (hear) and you will see that it is quite talent and integrity and public spirit, and then impossible to agree with the senseless asser- instead of "demagogues," tions made on that subject. Now let us see all this is very true; and such really whether in this country this bill, supposing it to be passed, is likely to make the govern- will be amongst the effects of the Rement cheaper than it is now. Let us ask form Bill. But then, what becomes of ourselves whether the civil government will this monstrous additional expense and have more power to govern the country than additional force, of which the Duke is it now possesses; whether it is possible that made to talk? Either the people, the the government can be carried on with a smaller proportion of the army. I beg your whole mass of the people, will obtain Lordships to look at the transactions that have additional power by this Reform Bill, or taken place at Paris in the course of the last they will not; if the latter, then where two years, and see whether that has been the is the ground of apprehension to the when case. I am sure you cannot think you see that while Louis XVIII. and Charles X. aristocracy? If the former, is there a were on the throne, they were enabled to man so senseless as to believe, that this maintain the peace of Paris with a gendarmerie all-powerful people, who will instruct of from 500 to 1000 men; but that, since the their constituents what t laws to pass, will Revolution of July, the Government has not had less than 60,000 men once a month put into give them positive instructions to augrequisition to maintain the peace of the city. ment the military and gendarmerie force (Hear, hear.) Why, with a government found-in order to keep themselves down and to ed as this must be, on the sovereignty of the make them pay taxes? Upon one or people, a government such as we must have, if we adopt this bill, will any man tell me that other of the horns of this dilemma the country under such a government will be Strathfieldsaye's reporther is fairly hung› able to have its peace preserved with a small up; and let him get off if he can. body of military? The disasters that occurred

So,

O no! The French story, as ap

at Bristol were put down, my Lords, by ninety men, as soon as an officer was found who plied to us, is not worth a straw. The uld employ the force entrusted to him. French are not represented, any more