2

Sir William Elford rose, to make a few observations on that part of the bill which suspended the ballot for the militia. The ballot was already suspended as to those regiments that were above their establishment; but the suspension ought not, in his opinion, to be extended to those which were below their establishment. This diminution of their numbers had been the effect of volunteering into the line. As to the plan of substituting a bounty, instead of the ballot, he thought it subversive of the principles on which the militia service was founded, namely, the prerogative of the King to call out a part of the people in defence of the country. From this it followed, of course, that the service was in its nature compulsory, and that a ballot must be employ ed to prevent arbitrary restrictions to particular classes. Ballot had accordingly been hitherto successfully employed for this purpose. He then contended that compulsory service in the navy would be rendered more irksome and invi. dious, by doing away the ballot for the militia. As to the system of ballot bearing unequally on the rich and the poor, ne maintained that this was precisely on the same footing with the other advantages which were derived from wealth. The rich, in this as in other cases, procured others to do that for them, which the poor were compelled to do for themselves.

Mr. Windham observed, that he intended to propose a clause, by way of rider, which would do away the objec tions of the honourable baronet. While the militia was on the whole above that establishment which had been thought sufficient, there were some regiments considerably below it; and this clause would leave it in the power of the Crown to raise such reduced regiments up to their complement, whenever it might seem proper. This measure would keep alive the idea of ballot; and as to the question of bounty, since it was not proposed at present to have recourse to it, he would leave it open for future discussion. This was all it seemed necessary to say in reply to the honourable baronet.

The bill was then read a third time, and Mr. Windham brought up a clause, enabling his Majesty, if he shall think fit, to direct the ballot to take place, for supplying vacancies in regiments reduced below their establishment.

This clause was then made part of the bill, by way of rider, and the bill was passed.

TRAINING

TRAINING BILL.

The report of the committee on the training bill was then brought up; and on the question being put, that the report be now read,

Sir H. Mildmay said, that he thought the country had reason to complain that ministers had delayed bringing this measure forward till so late a period of the session, when it was now impossible to ascertain the real sense of Parliament on the subject. It was certainly desirable, considering the wild notions which have been lately introduced into the construction of the regular army, and that it was intended to suspend the laws which relate to the militia, that an efficient force should somewhere be created on which the country might rely in case of any unexpected emergence; but disapproving of the principles on which this bill was founded, and the provisions it contained, he did not consider it as that best calculated for such a purpose. It very much resembled the plan brought forward at the commencement of the war, in many respects, though it essentially differed from it both in the circumstances of the country at the time it was suggested, and in some of the most prominent features of its character. The former bill was introduced when we were at the beginning of a war, with our own military establishments on a very reduced scale, while the enemy had a large and well disciplined army actually on foot, with which he threatened us with immediate invasion. At such a moment any plan was judicious which placed arms in the hands of such a proportion of the loose population as the government thought equal to any necessity that might arise. But this was not the case at present: we had now a larger military establishment than the country had ever known; our militia, by long experience and discipline, was little inferior to the regular army, and we had 300,000 volunteers, most of whom had been reported fit to act with troops of the line. There was nothing in the situation of the country to create dismay, or to justify calling on the public to submit to the onerous and oppressive operation of this bill. The bill of 1803 gave a distinct option to the country, either to raise the number of volunteers prescribed by government, or to incur the inconveniences of the levy-en-masse. The country did not hesitate to accept the alternative, and the number of volunteers were raised without the least difficulty, and the government might have had three times as many if they

had

had chosen to accept them. It was a distinct bargain made with the country, that by raising the volunteers, they should exempt themselves from compulsory training. After the country had scrupulously performed their part of the covenant, the government was precluded from resorting again to the measure, which was now brought forward, without a manifest breach of public faith. The bill was also very objectionable, as it imposed an intolerable tax on the lowest orders of the labourers, the manufacturers, and the artisans, of whom this force was to be composed. The ordinary earnings of such persons might be taken at three shillings a day, whereas the pay allowed by government would amount to only one shilling, so that each man would lose two shillings a day for every day he went out. This would amount to no less than 480,000l. supposing the whole 200,000 men called out for twenty-four days. The bill was also partial and unjust as applying to England alone. Why was Scotland excepted? If the bill was a benefit, as some contended, why was that part of the united kingdom to be exempted from such benefit? or, if it was a burden, what had Scotland done to redeem herself from her share of the pressure? No man could doubt the zeal and loyalty of that part of the kingdom, and no man could doubt that in case of invasion the coast of Scotland was as much exposed to attack as that of England; and why were they to be defended both by men and money at our expence? The bill had been called an experiment, and as such should be first tried on a confined scale: that might be a very good argument to Scotland, who was exempted from the burden, but would hardly be satisfactory to us who were to bear the whole expence. As to the volunteers, this plan was not calculated to encourage them: it took from them not only much of their allowances, but also many of those advantages which had contributed to raise them to the high state of discipline which they had attained. The language of contempt which had so lavishly been bestowed on that system, coupled with the provisions of this bill, must effectually damp the spirit and activity of the volunteers. It could not be expected from men, who served at great inconvenience and trouble to themselves, to continue in the service when they had so much reason to think that their exertions were undervalued by the government. That feeling generally prevailed. There was hardly a single volunteer who did not feel himself disgusted with the expressions and conduct of the secretary

for

for the war department. It was rather singular also, that he should be the person to revive ballot and commutation of personal service for money, who had so pointedly reprobated both those measures. The concurrent jurisdiction of the constable and drill serjeant was ludicrous, and perfectly useless, unless indeed the drill serjeant was to be used as a crimp for the regular army. He proceeded to comment on several clauses of the bill, and contended that all that was meritorious in the plan was stolen from the act of the former administration; that it contained a distinct recognition of all that was considered most exceptionable in Mr. Pitt's additional force bill, and was wholly unworthy of a government who assumed such super-eminence of talent, and had promised so much to the country. He concluded by moving, that the farther consideration of the bill should be postponed for six months.

Mr. Eyre disliked the bill chiefly upon its compulsory principle: he thought compulsion was the very last principle government should resort to in a free country, and it was wholly unnecessary now, unless it could be shewn that the spirit of volunteer service was so depressed as to render it indispensable; but feeling that this was not the case, he considered this bill as putting a complete end to the volunteer service. The right honourable gentleman had been charged with casting slurs upon the volunteers, and he had denied that charge; but how would he do away the sarcasm which this bill cast upon them? Was it no sarcasm, at a moment that there were 300,000 volunteers in arms in the country, to set them down by this bill as nothing, and fly to a compulsory levy of the people en masse ? The only thing which could at all reconcile the bill in any degree to his mind, would be the right honourable gentleman's assent to the admission of a clause he should propose on the third reading of the bill. Without this he should vote against it altogether.

Sir R. Williams begged to ask of those who gave so much opposition to the present bill, and endeavoured to charge on his Majesty's ministers a purpose of damping the volunteer spirit, whether those ministers were not entitled to some credit for exempting the country, at this crisis, from a repetition of the enormous expence of five millions, which the volunteer system, under its present regulations, had cost in three years? He contended the present bill had no such tendency as that of doing away or putting down the volun

teers,

teers. It was the original intention that they should, as volunteers, serve the country, and clothe themselves at. their own expence. To restore that principle was the only operation this bill could have in respect to them, and therefore he should give it his support. He deplored, as much as any man, the loss of a late right honourable gentleman in that House; but he had no idea of opposing his Majesty's present ministers, merely because they were not of his administration, or because they were opposed to it. He thought the measures they had hitherto brought forward were for the good of the country, and therefore they should have his support.

Mr. Fonblanque supported the bill. He denied that it could have any such tendency as that of putting down the volunteer system. He thought it was the bounden duty of his Majesty's ministers to take every precaution for securing the country against the danger of an invasion; and with that view, to avail themselves in the utmost extent of the physical force of the country, and to render that force efficient by a timely training, instead of waiting until the last moment, when absolute necessity should demand the levyen-masse, and when they must be assembled as a tumuluous, confused, and disorderly rabble, instead of trained men fit to be attached to and act with regalar regiments. The honourable gentleman had said that the volunteer spirit of the country had been damped. He would take them at their words; and if their own assertions were true in this point, they offered the strongest argument for adopting this bill, which, so far from depressing, would support the volunteer system, and, in all events, secure the country against the mischiefs which must result from the volunteers choosing, if they should ever do so, to withdraw their services, and desert their standards. His right honourable friend felt, they had a right by the term of their service to do so, and it was his duty to be prepared against it, by a measure which would secure to the country 200,000 trained men, in case of emergency.

Colonel Bastard complained that the measure was brought forward without any estimate of its probable expence, or any ground whatever upon which even to guess what it would cost, or how many men would be induced to train under it. There did not appear even a chance that one-fourth of the number of 200,000 men would be secured by it, as every man who could pay the fine would, no VOL. III. 1805-6.

8H

doubt,