the learned lord would bring in better and less objectionable bills for Scotland; but he must remind the noble and learned lord, that it was customary for per sous holding his high official station to communicate directly with ministers, and whatever measures of this nature the English ministers thought right, the Scotch minister should go on pari passu for Scotland. Although the learned lord said that he could draw the necessary bill in forty-eight hours, yet the right honourable secretary (Mr. Windham) had stated, that he thought it too late in the session to bring in such a bill. le considered that this bill was a breach of public faith, not only to the volunteers, but to the country that furnished them. It was expressly stated, that the provisions of the former training bill should not be acted upon, if the country should furnish a number of volunteers equal to six times the number of the militia. The country not only performed its part of the contract, but it did a great deal more. It offered even a greater number of volunteers than the government would accept. The former bill, however, was much better in its principle than the present, as it acknowledged, and was founded on the ancient prerogative of the crown, which the present bill did not appear to admit. The present bill also contributed nothing to that object which was so much wished for, the procuring a disposeable force. He would defy the right honourable gentleman (Mr. Windham) to find out, in forty-eight hours, any system which could contribute so little to that object. He considered the compulsion severe, which was to enforce this measure; and therefore he found himself obliged to give it his most decided opposition.

- Mr. Secretary Windham began by taking notice of the expression which the right honourable gentleman (Mr. Canning), so frequently indulged in, about minister's claiming all the talent and weight in the country. This was a thing which appeared peculiarly to rankle in that right bonourable gentleman's mind, and in the minds of those who sat near him, and entered with so much rapture into that part of his speech. Neither ministers nor any of their immediate friends had ever made use of any expression that amounted to such a claim: he could not say whether it was an injudicious friend or a splenetic ene

my

my who first used that sort of language to which the honourable gentleman so frequently alluded. Ministers, however, had repeatedly denied having ever put in such a claim, but they perceived that it gave the honourable gentlemen on the other side an infinite degree of pleasure in repeating it; while on the other side they might be assured that it gave no pain either to him or to his friends. The reason that he had expressly assigned for not extending the bill to Scotland in the present session, was, not from any dissatisfaction which he supposed to prevail there, but merely from the absence of the Scotch members, whom he would wish previously to consult. As compulsion was the principle of the militia system, it appeared to him most strange that militia colonels should inveigh against this measure as being compulsory. It put him in mind of an observation he had heard, that the most plausible schemes of retrenchments and paying off the national debt, often came from persons imprisoned for debt in the King's Bench and Fleet Prison (a laugh). It also appeared to him most strange, that this could be said to be more compulsory than the training act of a former administration, when it was recollected, that in the present bill it is provided, that the service might be commuted for a fine, whereas under the former system no such commutation was allowed. Gentlemen on the other side had often stated, that certain expressions which he was supposed to have used at a former period must tend greatly to the dissolution of the volunteers. If it were true that he had used those expressions, which he denied, and even if those expressions had been as improper as could be represented to bave fallen from any individual, he should ask, what sort of a volunteer army must that be, for a great nation to place its dependence upon, who could be driven from the duties they had undertaken by the expressions of any individual, and who could be dispersed like Virgil's bees"Pulveris exigui jactu?" If many of the corps were ra pidly decreasing in numbers, he could assign a better reason for it. It was, because many officers who had most meritoriously advanced large sums in the origin of their corps, finding themselves unable to continue those advances, and perceiving that government does not wish to pay the ex pences which were formerly defrayed by individual subscription, now seem to wish to find some point of honour

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that will give an occasion for a quarrel, which would enable them to resign with a better grace. He considered the assertion, that this bill was a breach of faith, to be altogether unfounded and absurd. The parties to the contract were not merely the volunteers and the government, but it was the whole community and the government. The question, therefore, was merely whether the measure was right or wrong, whether it was good for the community or not? If it were good for the community, it would be most ridiculous to tell the community that it would be a breach of faith to them to give them a measure that was for their good; and that government was bound by a contract to them not to adopt such measures as were necessary for their security and protection.

Mr. R. Dundas wished the Lord Advocate to state whether he meant, at all events, to bring in a bill for Scotland? : The Lord Advocate replied, that he wished the mea sure to be extended to Scotland, but did not see that it was absolutely necessary in the present session.

Mr. Rose, jun. said, that although the opinions of the right honourable gentleman (Mr. Windham) had not much weight with the volunteers when he sat on opposi tion benches, it was a very different thing now he was a minister. If they considered him not friendly to their establisment, that circumstance must tend considerably to reduce their numbers.

The question was then very generally called for, and the House divided on the motion that the word now stand part of the question; upon which it appeared that there were

Ayes
Noes

Majority

139

53

-86

The amendments were consequently agreed to. Some new clauses were added by way of riders to the bill, and the third reading was fixed for the next day. Adjourned.

HOUSE OF LORD 8.
FRIDAY, JULY 4.

In an appeal from Scotland, "Rennie v. Tod and others," the Lord Advocate of Scotland was partly heard for the appellant. Further hearing on Monday.

Mr. Alexander and several other members of the House of Commons, brought up the slave ship restriction bill, the Irish spirits duty collection bill, the Irish customs bill, the Vot. III. 1805-6.

SI.

Irish

Irish poor bill, the assessed taxes allowance bill and several private bills, which were read a first time. The slave ship restriction bill and Irish poor bill were ordered to be printed, The thread lace bill and the East India shipping bill were read a third time and passed.

The debtors' relief bill passed through a committee. Report on Monday.

The House resolved itself into a committee on the customs fees' bill..

The Archbishop of Canterbury objected to the clause for enforcing the attendance of the clerks and officers of the custom-house on all holidays except Good Friday and Christmas day, which he considered as a legislative mode of putting down those holidays, which had been consi dered by our ancestors as essential to the keeping in mind the history of the Christian religion. He thought that the whole of them ought to be restored in the bill; but if that was not to be effected, he should propose to restore a few of them which were immediately connected with the history of our Saviour.

Lord Grenville defended the clause on the ground of commercial convenience. Many of these holidays had not for some sime been kept with any view to the purposes of religion, and there appeared to him no sufficient reason why the merchants of London should experience so much inconvenience from being unable to transact business at the Custom House on so many days, on which all other business was transacted as usual.

The Archbishop of Canterbury, referring to his former argument, proposed to insert, as holidays to be kept, the Epi hany and Ascension Day.

The Bishop of St. Asaph supported the arguments of the Archbishop of Canterbury, and proposed, in addition, the Annunciation and St. John the Baptist.

The question was put on the first amendment, and declared by Lord Walsingham to be negatived. Strangers were ordered to withdraw, the House being about to divide, but no division took place, and the bill passed through the committee without amendment and was reported.

Lord Grenville moved the order of the day for taking into consideration his Majesty's message relative to a vote of cre dit. His Lordship observed, that this being merely the usual message presented every session, previous to a vote of credit,, it was totally unnecessary for him to enter into any argument

upon the subject. He should therefore merely move an Ad dress to his Majesty, declaring their readiness to concur in the object of his Majesty's message. Carried nem. dis.

LORD RODNEY.

Lord Grenville moved the order of the day for taking into consideration his Majesty's message relative to Lord Rodney. His Lordship stated that a pension of 20007. per annum had been granted to the first Lord Rodney for the eminent services rendered by him to his Majesty and the public-1000l. was to devolve after his death to his widow and younger children; the remaining 1000l. to his eldest son for his natural life. His eldest son, the late Lord Rodney, enjoyed the pension but a short time after his father's' death, and it was now proposed to continue that pension to the present Lord. There were several who heard him that were old enough to remember the brilliant victory gained by the distinguished officer who first possessed this title, a victory which, independent of its own importance, was of the most essential benefit to the country at that time, when the circumstances of the country were not the most pleasing, and when our military character had been lessened. It was true, that the pension referred to in his Majesty's message was granted for services antecedent to that victory, but not on that account the less important, which, on the contrary, entitled that distinguished officer to every mark of approbation from his country. As to the principle on which these remuneratious were granted, there could not exist the slightest doubt of its being one of the best principles on which Parliament could act. A reward of this nature granted for eminent services diffused an additional spirit over a whole profession, and stimulated every one engaged in it, to seize every opportunity of exerting to the utmost his skill and ability in the service of his country, confident that his success would receive a grateful reward, and that, if he fell, an ample provision would be made for his family. Public economy was at all times necessary, but that was the best public economy which af forded the best assurance of public services, and nothing could be more important than that those who were fighting the battles of their country should be thoroughly.convinced, that if they were not wanting to their country their coun try would not be wanting to them, and that whilst England expected every man to do his duty, she was at all times ready to do her duty to them. He thought it was at all

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