fourteen or twenty years, but that if some kind of promotion or honourable distinction could be obtained in a few years, would feel strongly induced to aspire to it. He thought that the possibility of speedy promotion from the lowest situations of life to a higher one, would of itself be the most powerful inducement. Even small distinctions had great weight with the generality of mankind; for such was the littleness of human nature, that it was almost always by comparison that people judged of their own situation and of their own happiness. If they saw themselves ever so little raised above those who had been their equals, they were highly pleased and elated; and, on the other hand, it was often by comparing their situation with that of others, that many found out, or fancied that they were miserable. Distinctions that would hardly cost the nation any thing would to individuals be of great importance. Military men were at all times fond of such distinctions; and therefore the stars, the ribands, and the military decorations which were usually given to successful commanders, had always been reckoned among those things that formed "the chief defence of nations. He should wish that the system of those military decorations, as a reward of merit, should be much farther extended in the army, so that every man might entertain a hope that an opportunity might occur, in the course of one, two, or three years, when he might signalize himself by some gallant exploit, to gain some of those envied dis. tinctions. He had heard, that at one time the late administration had thought of instituting something like an order of merit among the navy, and he hoped the noble lord who was now at the head of the admiralty would carry that idea into execution. He was convinced that such an institution would hold out the most powerful motives both to great exertions, and to make the service attractive. He could by no means agree with the objection that had been so much relied upon, that such a measure as this should have been carried into effect by the Crown, without consulting Parliament. He was surprised, indeed, at the quarter from which this objection proceeded; for if ministers had acted differently, and, of their own heads, introduced a change so important in the military system of the country, and which appeared to those gentlemen so very objectionable, would they not, on nuch stronger grounds, have charged his Majesty's ministers

with

with presumption, in following entirely their own opinions, and not giving the country the benefit of having this important question fully discussed before it was de cided on? The practical effect which he expected from this measure, would be in the general impression in its favour. Persons were much more apt to judge of their condition from the opinion of others, than from their own feelings; and when the condition of a soldier should be generally thought a good one, all the great objections which now exist would disappear. He thought it might perhaps be better to extend that system a little to the regular army now existing. It was somewhat revolting to the feelings of every humane mind, that a man, who entered in the army in some unguarded moment, should be told, that he should be kept there for his life; and it was almost an insult to common sense, to tell him, that as his act was voluntary the country would hold him rigidly to his bargain. It appeared to him, that the system was likely not only to increase the number of our regular army, but to improve, in a considerable degree, the quality of the soldiers. He considered, that the tone and character of the British army would be highly improved by it. The strong reason which induced him to think so was, that in consulting the history of all military nations, be found, that beginning from the history of the Grecian states, and going down to the history of the present day, it was an universal truth, without a single exception, that the armies of free nations fought with more spirit, and achieved greater actions, than the soldiers of those nations that were not free. This was proved by the history of all nations: by none more than of England. It was not until Magna Charta had been obtained, and some degree of civil liberty established, that England, which a short time before had been con quered by the Norman invaders, was able in her turn to invade France, and make her enemies fear her on the other side of the water. It was from its liberty, that it obtained its military reputation, and its means of defence. It was a pleasing and grateful thought, that, when the Almighty bestowed freedom on a nation, that blessing itself ensured the protection of the country, as long as the animating principle was preserved. The soldiers of free nations were always remarked for a certain elevation of character, and noble daring, which did not belong to the character of other nations. The French never fought with such enthu

siasm and success, as when their armies were animated with the name and hopes of freedom. If the present order of things, however, continued in that country, he should venture to say, that all their ribbons and legions of honour would but ill supply the place of the inspiring principle of liberty, and that the character of the French armies must gradually decline; whereas, the energies of the British army would be considerably increased by extending to them the feeling, that British soldiers are free men, and that they fight for a free country. He also considered, that this measure would immediately operate to prevent desertion, and by improving the character of the army, tend gradually to diminish the severity of punishments. He could not agree with those who thought, that if this measure were once adopted, it could not be de parted from. He, indeed, wished that the experiment should have a fair trial, which would require at least ten years; but if it were then found inefficient, another system might be pursued. As to the great discontent that many gentlemen had supposed would, in such case, prevail, experience had shewn, that this apprehension was ill founded; for, in the time of the American war, there were many culisted only for the war, who served in the same regiments with soldiers enlisted for life, and no such discontents were then heard of. Neither could he see that any such discontents were likely to prevail in the navy, for the sailors were in fact only serving for a limited term, and expected their discharge at the conclusion of the war. He could not allow that the plan deserved the name of a theory or a speculation; it was built upon the general principles of human nature, and upon the known effects which the history of all nations proved to result from those principles, and in this sense it must be said to be founded on experience. The mere opinions of an individual might be erroneous, but the great principles of human nature were unchangeable, and always true. Mr. Wilberforce concluded, by observing on the advantages likely to result from the improvement in the system of colonial service; and took that opportunity to state how strongly he was impressed with the idea, that it was the contingance of the slave trade, and the state of barbarism our slaves were kept in, which principally occasioned the ne cessity of sending annually thousands of our soldiers to protect the whites in the West Indies, not so much from

the

the foreign enemy, as from their own slaves; and it was this West India service which was at the same time the greatest drain to the British army, and the greatest discou ragement to its being recruited. He concluded by declaring, that in every view he could take of the question, the system now proposed had his most hearty concurrence and approbation.

Mr. Addington said, that as this would probably be the last time the subject would be discussed in that House, he could not avoid shortly expressing his sentinents upon the important question then before them. He thought that his right hon. friend (Mr. Windham) had not been handsomely or fairly treated, when his plan had been so often called a whim, and a wild and fanciful theory. The word theory was generally applied to systems, and opinions hastily adopted: but the gentlemen on the other side of the House had been complaining, week after week, and day after day, of his right honourable friend having taken so much time to consider and mature his plan, before he presented it to the House. In the full responsibility of the measure, not only his Majesty's ministers in that House, but a noble lord in the other (Lord Grenville), would willingly take their full share. As for himself, though he had no share in the responsibility, yet when he heard his right hon. friend charged as a rash and hasty speculator for introducing it, he must say, that he so perfectly approved of it, that he should wish his political character in that respect to stand or fall with that of those who introduced this measure. A good deal had been said in the course of the discussions that had taken place on this question, of the opinions of the general officers not being laid before that House. The opinions of officers were given upon a ques tion referred to them by the commander in chief, and which was different from that which was now under discussion. The question which had been referred to them was merely between limited service and service for life. There were, however, in the present plan, so many auxiliary inducements combined with the proposed limitation, that the question then to be considered was totally different from that which had been referred to the general officers. As to the motives which induced men to enlist, he believed the non-commissioned officers could speak better than the generals; but every man of common sense, and who was at all acquainted with the character of the English nation,

might

might form a good judgment on that subject. He considered that the casualties of the army, reckoned at 15,000 annually, would not be near so great in future, as the principal part of it, arising from desertion, would be in a great measure done away. He was much more sanguine in his expectation of immediate success than his right hon. friend, and conceived that it was in his character a trait of that generous policy, which, according to the practice of our ancestors, legislated as much for the good of posterity as for the present time. Some gentlemen had said, we were well enough as we were." Whoever would look on the map of Europe, and see nothing but France,, excepting the territories of our magnanimous allies, the Emperor of Russia and the King of Sweden, could hardly bring himself to think that "we were well enough as we were."-After commenting for some time on the description a noble lord had given of the state of the country, when he considered that ministers reposed on a “bed of roses," he shewed how much that situation had been changed for the worse, in consequence of the failure of the coalition in the last unfortunate campaign, and concluded by expressing his firm conviction, that this would not only be a most efficient measure, but that, in time, it would be a very popular one. He had conversed with many military officers on the subject, and they had all, without exception, considered that the army would be benefited by it. He also had conversed with several soldiers who had been discharged, and they all agreed that such a measure would be "the making of the army." This, he was sure, would be the general feeling of all the soldiers in the army, and of all those classes from which sol diers were to be obtained, and he therefore thought that the measure was the most likely for rapidly recruiting the

army.

General Tarleton said, the right honourable gentleman (Mr. Windham) looked to the army not as an Englishman and a soldier, but as a philosopher, and as a philosopher of a very bad school, who knew nothing of the human mind on which his speculations were to operate. The General had some experience of limited service in Portugal, when the Baron De Rolle, who had the command of a Swiss regiment, did not dare put them to ordinary duty, lest those whose time was expiring should quit the military life. Then wit, imagination, history, and every thing VOL. III. I

else