and the militia officers were required to have qualification, which the regulars had not. The militia officers might perhaps have some reason to complain, if any regulation ex ending benefits to every other branch of the service were to be withheld from thein. That was not, however, the case in the present instance. A distinction was also made between the infantry and the cavalry, and the distinction was founded on the same reason, merely that the latter description of officers did not stand so much in need of the addition, and that if an addition was to be made to the pay of those who were not in need of it, there must be a dini nution to the allowances which the liberality of the House was called upon to give to those officers who were in need of the addition. This was the principal reason for making exceptions, and the exceptions did not extend merely to militia field-officers, but to those of the cavalry and the Guards, who certainly could not consider this distinction meant as a slight to them. As to the alleged breach of faith, it was the strangest thing he had ever heard asserted, that the legislature was so bound by any of its own acts, that it would be a breach of faith even to alter it. Would any person consider it a breach of faith to make an alteration in the mutiny law, even to make it more severe if necessary? Would any body suppose, that it would be a breach of faith to the army to alter the discipline of one part of it and not of another? As the militia was always to subsist in some shape or another, therefore, on those grounds, it might be argued to the end of time, that it would be a breach of faith for the legislature to make any objec tions. It would be a breach of faith to do it in time of peace as well as in time of war; and yet the hon. and learned member (Mr. Perceval) was himself the person to propose its being done in time of peace, and not in time of war. If, then, he considered that it was a great breach of faith in time of war, and only a little one in time of peace, the story of the lady and her "little natural child" was. only applicable to the argument of the hon. and learned gentleman, and he might have done better to have kept it to himself. The exceptions were not so much made upon the ground of economy, as on the ground of justice. It was but justice to the regular officers to give what was ab solutely necessary for them. If this increase was not considered so necessary to the inilitia, they should rather consider it as an honourable distinction, than any sort of treatment.

Mr. C. W. Wynne supported the arguments of Mr. Windham, and observed, that the principal argument on the other side of the House, that the militia officers werc injured by the arrangement prescribed in this bill, was a total mistatement, and a complete inversion of the fact: for how could the militia officers, who suffered no diminution of pay, be injured by a small increase of pay to the officers of the line? They in fact would sustain no injury whatever, and he was confident, would feel none, notwithstanding the arguments of gentlemen who assumed to advocate their cause; but whose arguments reminded him of a petition of the celebrated Lord Chesterfield to his majesty for a pension, professing, "that it was purely for the honour of it, and not for any pecuniary consideration."

The question being now loudly called for on the third reading of the bill, the House divided,

Ayes
Noes

Majority for the bill

35

24

Colonel Mitford then proposed an amendment purport ing to recognize the principle of equal pay to the militia and the line, as an established and general rule, but enabling his Majesty, in certain cases, to increase the pay of the line; which amendment was, in effect, rejected upon the question, without a division.

On the question being put, that the bill do pass, another discussion arose.

Colonel Bastard utterly disclaimed, on the part of the militia field-officers, any pecuniary consideration, and was convinced that, if necessary, they would cheerfully volunteer their services without pay. It was the degrading dis tinction drawn by this bill which they felt severe. So far were they froin being actuated by mercenary motives, or any jealousy towards their own subalterns, any more than towards officers of the line, that, with respect to the former, they even relinquished a very considerable portion of their pay in the expences of the regimental messes, in order to render the situation of the subalterns equally comfortable with their superior officers, often at less than half the expence; and with respect to the latter, he was confident they would be glad of a much greater increase of pay, if the circumstances of the country could afford it.

Mr. Canning rose once more to resist the passing of this VOL. III. 1805-6. bill,

4 Ꭲ

bill, and to say, that if his Majesty's ministers persisted, at this late period of the session, in so thin a state of the House, in the absence of almost the whole of the country gentlemen connected with the militia, and with the votes of every militia officer in the House decidedly against them, with a majority of only eleven votes, to force down a measure subversive of a principle coeval with the militia institution from its very first establishment, he trusted the circumstance would go forth strongly marked to the notice of the country. He then adverted to the comparative allusion made by the honourable gentleman who last spoke, to the petition of Lord Chesterfield: he said the honourable gentleman had charged the volunteer field-officers, who resisted this measure on behalf of their establishment, to have honour in their mouths but money in their hearts. He was glad however, that the honourable colonel near him (Colonel Bastard) had, as it behoved him, vindicated the honour of the militia field-officers from such an imputation: and although, supposing the majority of eleven to be still in the House, it would be useless to call for a second division, he should give to the last his decided resistance to the bill.

Mr. Wynne rose to explain that part of his speech to. which so unfair an allusion had just been made, and to observe, that the right honourable gentleman possessed a most happy facility at misconception, whenever it answered his purpose. In the allusion he had made, he had not. the most distant intent to throw any such imputation upon, the liberality and honourable feelings of the militia fieldofficers; he merely meant to refute the absurdity of the arguments of those who affected to advocate their cause, and who assumed to do so by implicating their liberality.

Mr. Canning rose to explain, but was called to order from the chair; and after a few observations from Colonel Mitford, the question that the bit do pass was put, and the House again divided :-

Ayes
Noes

Majority

43

21

22

The bill was then passed, and ordered to the Lords.

INDIA BUDGET.

Lord Morpeth rose and moved to postpone till Friday

the further consideration of the India budget.

Mr.

Mr. Robson felt it his duty to call the attention of the House to this most important subject, and to express his astonishment that affairs of so much vital importance to this country, as those of India, were to be discussed in such thin houses as this business had hitherto been. Whether the India Company were to be continued by a renewal of their charter or not, their affairs ought not to be treated with so much levity, with so thin an attendance of members, and more especially without the attendance of his Majesty's ministers. Their affairs, as he was taught to understand, were in a most embarrassed and deplorable situation, almost, indeed, upon the brink of ruin. It was declared, in that House, that a loan to an inconceivable amount would be requisite to support them; but whether this was to be a loan of seven millions or seventeen millions, or what not, he thought the subject was one of too much importance to be discussed in that house, without a full attendance of members; and, by the blessing of God, as he never would leave it in the power of his Majesty's minis ters to say he did not attend, he would make it a point of taking any measure to stop the proceedings in every stage, unless there was a fuller attendance, and more especially of his Majesty's ministers.

Lord Morpeth wished to know, upon what authority the hon. gentleman stated that a loan would be wanted for the India Company? He certainly had made no such statement in bringing forward the company's affairs; nor did he hear any such thing mentioned by any of his Majesty's ministers in that House.

Mr. Grant also disclaimed, on the part of the company, the representation of their affairs made by the honourable gentleman, and which he could not suffer to pass uncontradicted. He knew nothing of any loan proposed or de sired by the company: they stood not in need of such assistance; nor did he hear any thing of any such proposition with which their authority or wishes were connected: a noble lord, indeed, near him (Castlereagh), in his speech the preceding night, had thrown out a suggestion, that a loan of five millions might be desirable for the accommoriation of the company, but this was a mere suggestion in the course af speech, wholly unauthorized by the company. Mr. Paull defended the conduct, and approved the determination expressed by his honourable friend (Mr. Rob4T2

son),

son), and hoped he would persist in liis endeavours to obtain a full attendance of members, upon every discussion on Indian affairs for notwithstanding the declaration just made by the hon. ex-director, it certainly had gone forth that the company's affairs were in a desperate situation. It had been said, not by himself, but by a worthy alderman opposite to him, that they were in a state of bankruptcy; and although the noble lord's suggestion of a loan in his speech the preceding night, might not be admitted by the hon. ex-director as an official authority upon the point, yet his hon. friend had a right to consider such a declaration, coming from the noble lord, as good authority upon a subject, namely, the situation of the company's af fairs, in which the noble lord's own character and safety were so deeply interested; for it was no secret that the noble lord's conduct in those affairs was likely to become the ground of very serious charges from an honourable member of that House, who now filled an extensive space in the public eye.

The question being put, was agreed to, and the House adjourned.

HOUSE OF LORDS.

THURSDAY, JULY 17.

Lord Loftus (Marquis of Ely) took the oaths and his seat. In the appeal "Chamley e. Lord Dunsany and others,' Mr. Perceval and Mr. Richards were heard for the respondents. Further hearing the next day.

Mr. Hobhouse and several other members of the House of Commons, brought up the royal family annuitie sbill, the Irish postage bill, Earl Nelson's annuity bill, the London additional force repeal bill, the lottery bill, and some other bills, which were read a first time.

The militia service bill, the volunteer officers rank bill, the sugar bill, the silk bounty bill, the masts bill, the raisins bill, the gunpowder importation bill, the innkeepers' allowances bill, the Gibraltar and Malta trade bill, and the Masters in Chancery bill, were read a third time and passed

The Earl of Limerick moved the order of the day for taking into consideration the resolutions in the House of Commons, relative to the examination of Peers before the

House,