of diinguished rank and influence, has a beneficial operation on society, by giving to these principles an increased authority over the consciences of those, by whom they are professed, by reviving and diffusing a reverence for them in the community, and by thus exalting the standard of public opinion, that invisible sovereign, to whose power the most absolute prince is often compelled to bow, and to which the measures of a free government are entirely subjected. When we consider the support, which is now derived to war, from the perversion of public sentiment, we are desirous that our government should unite with the governments of Europe in a distinct and religious acknowledgement of those principles of peace and charity, on which the prosperity of states, and the happiness of families and individuals, are alike suspended.

Secondly, We respectfully solicit, that Congress will institute a deliberate inquiry, for the purpose of ascertaining the methods by which this government may exert on human affairs, that happy influence which is anticipated by the Président of the United States; the methods by which it "may infuse into the law which governs the civilized world, a pacific spirit, may diminish the frequency, or circumscribe the calamities, of war, and may express the most noble of all ambitions, that of promoting peace on earth, and good will to man." We are persuaded that a government, sincerely disposed to sustain the august and sublime character, which is here described, of the pacificator of the world, will not want means of promoting its end. We trust, that under the persevering and well directed efforts of such a government, milder principles would be introduced into the conduct of national hostilities; that the reference of national controversies to an impartial umpire, would gradually be established as the law of the Christian world; and that national compacts would be formed for the express purpose of reducing the enormous and ruinous extent of military establishments, and of abolishing that outward splendour, which has so long been thrown around war, and which has contributed so largely to corrupt the moral sentiments of mankind.

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When we represent to ourselves a Christian government sustaining this beneficent relation to the world; mediating between contending states; recommending peaceful methods of deciding the jarring claims of nations; labouring to strip war of its pernicious glare, and to diminish the number of those who are interested in its support; diffusing new and generous sentiments in regard to the mutual duties and obligations of different communities; and inculeating, by its own example, a frank and benevolent policy, and a sincere regard to the interests of the world; when we represent to ourselves such a government, we want language to express our conceptions of the happy and magnificent results of its operations. It would form a new and illustrious era in human affairs, wbilst by the blessings which it would spread, and by the honour and confidence which it would enjoy, it would obtain a moral empire, more enviable than the widest dominion ever founded on violence and crime.

Loving our country with tenderness and zeal; accustomed to regard her as destined to an exalted rank, and to great purposes; and desirous to behold, in her institutions and policy, increasing claims to our reverence and affection, we are solicitous that she should enter first on the career of glory, which has now been described, and that all her connexions with foreign states should be employed to diffuse the spirit of philanthropy, and to diminish the occasions and miseries of war. Of such a country we shall exult to be the children, and we pledge to it an attachment, veneration, and support, which can only be accorded to a virtuous community.

It is our happiness, that we live in an age when many noble schemes of benevolence have been accomplished; when the idea of a great amelioration of human affairs is no longer rejected as a dream of fancy; when statesmen are beginning to learn, that all nations have a common interest ; when philanthropy is extending its views to distant countries, and is executing purposes, which would once have been regarded as the offspring of a blind and extravagant zeal. In this age of enlarged views, of generous excitement, of unparalleled activity for the good of mankind, it is hoped that

the idea of a nation, espousing the cause of peace and humanity, will not be dismissed as visionary and impracticable. Enlightened and benevolent statesmen will discern that we do not live in ordinary times, but that a new and powerful impulse has been given to the human mind, which, under judicious influences, may issue in great and permanent improvements of the social state.

In presenting this memorial, we solemnly declare, in the presence of God, that we have no private or narrow views. On this subject, we belong to no sect, no party. As lovers of our country, as friends of mankind, as disciples of Jesus Christ, with the spirit of peace in our breasts, and with a deep impression of the miseries of war, we are only solicitous to prevent the effusion of human blood by human hands, and to recall men to the conviction that they are brethren. We trust that the warmth, with which we have spoken, will not be construed into a want of deference towards our rulOn such a subject, coldness would be a crime. Our convictions are deep, and no language but that of zeal and carnestness would do them justice.

We hope that we are addressing rulers, who are sensible to the responsibility imposed by the possession of power; who regard the influence, which is granted them on human affairs, as a solemn trust; who consider themselves as belonging to their country and to mankind, and who desire to treasure up for themselves consolations in that hour, when human applause will be an unavailing sound, and when no recollection will be so dear as that of having aided, with a disinterested zeal, the cause of peace and humanity.

By order of said Society.

WILLIAM PHILLIPS, President. THADDEUS MASON HARRIS, Recording Secretary.

PHILANTHROPIST TO PHILO PACIFICUS

Boston, 25th Dec. 1816.

PERCEIVING, dear sir, that a hasty letter from a heart-felt admirer of your pure Christianity is honoured by an insertion in the sixth number of the Friend of Peace, and encour

aged by a verbal message of approbation, through a friend, I venture to forward you another, written, as the date will show, not long afterward. Do not, however, I pray you, sir, feel yourself in the smallest degree pledged to give this, or any part of it, publicity, in consequence of the favour heretofore shown to the author, but judge it impartially; and consign it, without hesitation, to oblivion, if found incapable of affording a useful lesson to our fellow men.

Boston, 16th May, 1816.

BEING informed, sir, that you kindly received from a "Philanthropist," a short letter, written in consequence of a perusal of the fourth number of the Friend of Peace, the same mind is again stimulated by a perusal of the three preceding numbers, to trouble you with a few thoughts on this highly important and most interesting subject.

As in our desire to remove evils, it is ever necessary to seek and find their true cause, so the deeper we seek, the nearer we must probably approach to the origin of the evil; and the more certain and permanent must be the cure. Though I fully believe, that a little familiarity with the subject will convince every good mind of the force and justness of your reasoning on the comparative effects of peace and war, and lead them to an immediate decision in favour of the former; still, many will suffer themselves continually to recur to the deeply rooted prejudice, that, though beautiful in theory, it is impossible in practice. For this obstinate recurrence to a mischievous prejudice, in well disposed minds, we must seek for an adequate cause. I am strongly inclined to think it may be found in the passion of Fear! perhaps the greatest, most insidious, and universal, intellectual tyrant, to whom mankind have ever been subservient.

It will, doubtless, be deemed not a little paradoxical, that fear should cause men to think we cannot live without war; when it may be rationally concluded, that war is certainly one of the greatest evils, which can excite the dread of mankind. This is not the only instance, however, in which reality, and, in the present state of the world, rationality, are, unquestionably, at variance. The wise man tells us, that

* a burnt child dreads the fire"-but not so he who has not been burnt. Those individuals who have nearly and deeply suffered by the horrors of war, must doubtless shrink with dismay at the prospect of a repetition of them. But there are thousands of men in every country, who have heard and thought more of the honours, splendour, and brilliant exploits of war, than of its exquisite but hidden miseries; and it is, therefore, to the generality of mankiud, more a subject of lively interest, than of real dread. The thought of living in continual peace is, therefore, more apt to excite an indistinct fear that we shall lose some of the delights of life, some of that fascinating gaiety, that animating bustle, that gratification of pride and vanity, which the honours of victory produce; than to present to the rational mind that state of delightful security, which opens before us the fields of knowledge, and scenes of refining social intercourse. A spécious plea is always held up, that war is to defend or obtain certain rights and privileges. To abstain from war is, therefore, falsely supposed to involve a sacrifice or loss of such rights and privileges. It is thus a blind fear of some unexamined evil, which induces men to think and say that war is necessary to man.

We are now led another step back, to seek the causes of fear; which I would say are want of knowledge, and want of trust in God. The origin of a deficiency in these points is, I think, a want of true charity and the love of God. "Perfect love casteth out fear." There, then, we see the grand cause of all the evils of war, want of love to God and man. The question then recurs, "Is there any possible means by which this fear may be dissipated and this want supplied ?" Does then the Fountain fail! or are its avenues shut up! Can the Source of light and life cease to be Love! Can the God, who is love, cease to diffuse this Holy Spirit into every willing heart? Can he refrain from entering where the "door is open ?" Let us then open our hearts to this heavenly influence, and it will come and dwell with us, bringing light, and life, and joy, and "peace in the. Holy Ghost."