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3000 men; for General Jansen, in a fit of despair, had formed all the infantry he could collect, across the road, determined to resist us; they fired on the dragoons, which killed one Lieutenant and some privates. Our dragoons broke them, and made dreadful slaughter for six miles, pursuing the enemy as far as Buytenzerg, a fort ten miles from Cornelius. The retreat was sounded by our bugles, by an order from Col. Gillespie; and we retired to Cornelius, having been engaged five hours: it was allowed by the oldest soldiers and king's officers to be the hottest engagement they had been in; and that the business of Buenos Ayres was not to be compared with the dreadful discharges of grape and musketry the troops here experienced.

I regret to say we lost near 60 officers, and 1000 men. One regiment alone lost 16 officers, but the enemy suffered infinitely more; for ten miles the road was literally covered with killed and wounded. I never beheld so dreadful a spectacle; and the heaps of dead, in and round the batteries, were so numerous, that the pioneers were two days in burying them. The advantages of this brilliant action were, the entire possession of the island, by taking what was termed an impregnable place: we had beaten and annihilated the enemy's army, known to consist of 10,000 men, who would never be able to face us again. It is supposed we killed that day 3000 men, took 4000 privates prisoners, with 400 officers, the whole of their horse artillery, from 20 to 30 fieldpieces, 150 pieces of cannon in the batteries, besides mortars and military stores in Fort Cornelius, and a valuable quantity of spice, though the richest was burnt by the enemy in their retreat; this malicious conduct made our troops give them little quarter.

I have now given you a faithful detail of our operations from personal knowledge, and what I actually saw, as correct as I can charge my memory; and thus ends nearly the whole of the campaign. As I before said, I had returned with the troops to Fort Cornelius, I assure you, nearly exhausted, although my spirits had been kept up by the noise and firing.-I felt the effects of being without meat or drink for eleven hours; after partaking plentifully of a kettle of coffee (which my faithful servant had prepared, and followed me with through the action unknown to me,) a fowl I borrowed, and some boiled rice; I, the first time for 22 days, pulled off my cloaths and boots, gave my shirt to wash, and washed myself; the luxury of that moment I would not have changed for worlds. I had, sans ceremonie, borrowed a bed, pillow, and counterpane out of a

French officer's house: I took up my quarters in an empty hut, and being conscious I had done my duty, shared the fatigue and the glory which was my reward, I stretched out my limbs, and slept with all the independence of an Englishman.

On the 27th we returned into quarters at Wetterfueden, and those regiments were sent out which had not shared in the actions, (for you will perceive, by this narrative, the advance fought both,) to drag guns, pile shot, level fortifications, bury dead, and other work.

Solo, the Capital of Java, and residence of the Emperor,
January 20, 1812.

I must resume my narrative, to acquaint you how I came here. We had remained very quiet in quarters at Wetterfueden for about 20 days, when our battalion, with some others, received orders to embark for Samarang, a settlement on the sea-coast, distant 200 miles from Batavia, General Jansen having assembled a large force there. We had a pleasant ten days' sail, and arrived in the beginning of October off Samarang; the troops were landed in the evening, and took possession of the town. The next morning we marched to attack the General's position, three miles inland on the main road to this place; it consisted of four fortified hills. We came in sight of them just at daylight; the troops advanced at a firm and steady ordinary parade step towards their batteries, which fired very sharp on us; but finding their cannon-shot and grape not able to impede our progress, they retired on their infantry; and seeing us preparing to charge, sent a flag of truce, and surrendered, with General Jansen at their head. Thus ended the war with one of the finest coup-de-mains ever effected by the British army, In 22 days we had totally defeated the French and Dutch army, and our sovereignty was acknowledged.

ROMAN GREATNESS OF MIND.

ST. EVREMONT, speaking of Roman magnanimity, expresses himself in these terms:-" Un peuple si magnanime aimoit autant périr, que choir; et tenoit pour une chose indifférente de n'être plus, quand il ne seroit pas le maître des autres." To this magnanimous people it would be the same to perish, as to cease to command supremely; to them it was a circumstance of unequivocal indifference, not to exist at all, as to exist without possessing imperial dominion. Such a turn is worthy of the Roman mind, and of the happy genius of the Petronius of France.

CAMPAIGNS IN THE PENINSULA.

[Continued from page 256.]

MEANTIME the Juntas of Ciudad Real (the capital of Upper La Mancha) and of the four kingdoms of Jaen, Grenada, Cordova, and Seville, which compose the province of Andalusia, formed a central assembly in La Carolina, where two deputies from each province met to consult upon speedy measures for fortifying the gorge of Despenaperros; this pass of the Sierra Morena being considered as the Thermopyla, where the progress of this new barbarian might be withstood. Here an army was necessary, and there was none: the Marquis de Palacios was sent by the Supreme Junta to form one under his command. The Juntas of Andalusia and La Mancha raised new levies for this service: officers and men, who had deserted from the Central army, many of them scattering. alarm and sedition where they fled, re-entered in this new establishment. The marine battalions and brigades of artillery were ordered hither from Cadiz, leaving only 300 men in that city, besides the volunteers. Fourteen pieces of cannon had been fortunately stopped at Manzinares, on their way to Madrid; these were now mounted upon the works which were thrown up to defend this important position. The Plata road also, by which the enemy might have passed the Sierra, was occupied by a detachment of 500 men; before the middle of Dec. 6000 foot and 300 horse had assembled at La Carolina, and their number increased daily. But it was not towards the Sierra Morena that Buonaparte was looking, his attention was chiefly fixed upon the English army; and the road by which he thought to reach Andalusia, was through Estremadura, hoping to overtake the Supreme Junta in their flight; having reached them at Truxillo, his armies might divide, one marching to take possession of Lisbon, the other to take vengeance for Dupont at Seville and Cadiz: there was no force in Estremadura which could oppose any obstacle to this plan.

When the pass of Somosierra was lost, Sanjuan, who commanded them, cut his way, sword in hand, through a squadron of Poles, and by bye-roads reached Segovia, where he found the troops who had retired from Sepulveda. From thence he marched to Guadarama, united with the Estremaduran troops under General Heredia, and descended to the Escurial, because he was without provisions

in the pass. There they they received orders to hasten to Madrid, and enter that city by the gate of Segovia. On the way, exaggerated reports were spread of the strength of the enemy; traitors and cowards exciting alarm, suspicions encreased the insubordination of the soldiers, the artillery and baggage-men forsook their charge and fled and several corps broke up and dispersed. The whole of Heredia's vanguard dispersed in this manner, in spite of all Sanjuan's efforts to detain them; "they would rally," they said, "at Talavera;" this word went through the army, and served as a pretext' for every one who chose to fly. The two Generals had only a handful of men with them when they approached Madrid, and then they discovered that the city had been betrayed. No other course remained for them than to repair themselves to Talavera, in the hope of rallying what would still form a considerable force. The rabble of the army, sufficiently faithful to their appointment, bent their way to that city, plundering as they went along; and there Sanjuan met them, unhappily for himself. The wretches, who had been most conspicuous in subverting all discipline, and instigating the troops to break up, began to apprehend punishment, if the army should again assume a regular form, and this was likely to be the case immediately; for above 20,000 men (many having escaped from Madrid) were now collected there, and the government had already begun to take measures for re-equipping them. It was easy for these villains to raise a cry of treachery against Sanjuan: all men knew the importance of the position at Somosierra, and how much the traitors, who betrayed Madrid, had affected to rely upon it, making the people feel that reliance which they themselves only feigned. But there were few who knew with what insufficient means the General had been supplied; he had scarcely more than 7000 men, and only 8 pieces of cannon. Measures for strengthening the post had been unprovidently or wilfully delayed; for this, however, Sanjuan was not responsible—and whatever fault had been committed by his cavalry, he, it was well known, had distinguished himself by his personal exertions. The cry, however, against Sanjuan, became general: a friar went, at the head of a party, to the convent of the Augustines, where he had taken up his quarters, and they cried out, that they had come to put Benito Sanjuan to death. Sanjuan attempted to expostulate with them, but in vain; he drew his sword to defend himself, and immediately he was pierced with their bullets: the rabble dragged the body to a gibbet and hung it there. Next they sought for

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