the legislature. Thus are we advancing. In regretting, which I have often done with the keenest sorrow, the death of our much lamented friend General Greene, I have accompanied it of late with a query, whether he would not have preferred such an exit to the scenes, which, it is more than probable, many of his compatriots may live to bemoan.

In both your letters you intimate, that the men of reflection, principle, and property in New England, feeling the inefficacy of their present government, are contemplating a change; but you are not explicit with respect to its nature. It has been supposed, that the constitution of the State of Massachusetts was amongst the most energetic in the Union. May not these disorders then be ascribed to an indulgent exercise of the powers of administration? If your laws authorized, and your powers are equal to the suppression of these tumults in the first instance, delay and unnecessary expedients were improper. These are rarely well applied; and the same causes would produce similar effects in any form of government, if the powers of it are not exercised. I ask this question for information. I know nothing of the facts.

That Great Britain will be an unconcerned spectator of the present insurrections, if they continue, is not to be expected. That she is at this moment sowing the seeds of jealousy and discontent among the various tribes of Indians on our frontiers, admits of no doubt in my mind; and that she will improve every opportunity to foment the spirit of turbulence within the bowels of the United

States, with a view of distracting our governments and promoting divisions, is with me not less certain. Her first manœuvres in this will no doubt be covert, and may remain so till the period shall arrive when a decided line of conduct may avail her. Charges of violating the treaty, and other pretexts, will then not be wanting to color overt acts, tending to effect the great objects of which she has long been in labor. A man is now at the head of their American affairs, well calculated to conduct measures of this kind, and more than probably was selected for the purpose. We ought not therefore to sleep nor to slumber. Vigilance in watching and vigor in acting is become in my opinion indispensably necessary. If the powers are inadequate, amend or alter them; but do not let us sink into the lowest state of humiliation and contempt, and become a by-word in all the earth. I think with you, that the spring will unfold important and distressing scenes, unless much wisdom and good management is displayed in the interim. Adieu. Be assured no man has a higher esteem and regard for you, than I have; none more sincerely your friend.1 *

1"I have lately had an opportunity of conversing with several of the first characters from the neighboring States. These gentlemen-viz., Messrs. Duane, Chancellor Livingston, Egbert Benson, Judges Yates, Haring, and Smith, from New York, with Messrs. Lowell, King, Parsons, and Judge Sullivan, from Boston-were commissioners for settling the boundaries between the two States. They seemed to be all of opinion that something must be done, but what that something was appeared to baffle their deepest penetration. It is, however, worthy of remark that Mr. King, Mr. Sedgwick, and several others

DEAR SIR,

TO JOHN JAY

MOUNT VERNON, 10 March, 1787.

How far the revision of the federal system, and giving more adequate powers to Congress may be productive of an efficient government, I will not under my present view of the matter, pretend to decide.-That many inconveniences result from the present form, none can deny. Those enumerated in your letter are so obvious and sensibly felt that no logic can controvert, nor is it likely that any change of conduct will remove them, and that attempts to alter or amend it will be like the proppings of a house which is ready to fall, and which no shoars can support (as many seem to think) may also be true. But, is the public mind matured for such an important change as the one you have suggested? What would be the consequences of a premature attempt? My opinion is, that this Country must yet feel and see more, before it can be accomplished.

A thirst for power, and the bantling, I had liked to have said monster for sovereignty, which have

(I believe I might say John Jay), who have been mortally opposed to the Cincinnati, now look with considerable confidence to that quarter for our political preservation.

“Mr. Trumbull, Mr. Barlow, and myself have written a good number of pieces in prose and verse on political subjects; we have the satisfaction to find that they are reprinted in more papers and read with more avidity than any other performances. Pointed ridicule is found to be of more efficacy than serious argumentation."-David Humphreys to Washington, New Haven, 20 January, 1787.

taken such fast hold of the States individually, will when joined by the many whose personal consequence in the control of State politics will in a manner be annihilated, form a strong phalanx against it; and when to these the few who can hold posts of honor or profit in the national government, are compared with the many who will see but little prospect of being noticed, and the discontent of others who may look for appointments, the opposition will be altogether irresistable till the mass, as well as the more discerning part of the Community shall see the necessity. Among men of reflection, few will be found I believe, who are not beginning to think that our system is more perfect in theory than in practice; and that notwithstanding the boasted virtue of America it is more than probable we shall exhibit the last melancholy proof, that mankind are not competent to their own government without the means of coercion in the sovereign.

Yet I would fain try what the wisdom of the proposed convention will suggest: and what can be effected by their councils. It may be the last peaceable mode of essaying the practicability of the present form, without a greater lapse of time than the exigency of our affairs will allow. In strict propriety a convention so holden may not be legal. Congress, however, may give it a coloring by recommendation, which would fit it more to the taste without proceeding to a definition of the powers. This, however constitutionally it might be done, would not, in my opinion, be expedient:

for delicacy on the one hand, and jealousy on the other, would produce a mere nihil.

My name is in the delegation to this Convention; but it was put there contrary to my desire, and remains contrary to my request. Several reasons at the time of this appointment and which yet exist, conspired to make an attendance inconvenient, perhaps improper, tho' a good deal urged to it. With sentiments of great of great regard regard and and friendship,

&c.1

TO DAVID STUART

PHILADELPHIA, 1 July, 1787.

DEAR SIR:

* Rhode Island, from our last accts. still perseveres in that impolitic, unjust, and one might add without much impropriety scandalous conduct, which seems to have marked all her public Councils of late. Consequently, no Representa

1 When Washington laid down his military command, he believed that he had taken a final leave of all public employment. Hence when urged to represent Virginia in the Federal Convention, he felt that his acceptance would expose him to the charge of inconsistency. He was further embarrassed by the fact that he had given notice that he would be unable to attend the triennial meeting of the Society of the Cincinnati, of which he was president, and which was to meet in Philadelphia at the time appointed for the Federal Convention. Should he attend the Convention, after having declined to attend the meeting of the Society of the Cincinnati, he feared that he would give offence to his old comrades in arms. It was only his intense desire to see some decisive steps taken for the improvement of the government that finally induced him to consent to attend the Convention. He set out from Mount Vernon on May 9th, and arrived in Philadelphia on May 13th, on which day he records