Without a predilection for my own judgment, I have weighed with attention every argument, which has at any time been brought into view. But the constitution is the guide, which I never can abandon. It has assigned to the President the power of making treaties, with the advice and consent of is far from being impossible that the exercise of this right may in the opinion of the Legislature of the United states, contribute to preserve the peace of our Country, and protect the rights and property of the citizens from violation, we therefore esteem it highly impolitic that the public faith should be pledged that it shall never be exercised under any circumstances whatever.

12thly. Because, it concedes a Right to the British Government, to search and detain our Vessels in time of war between them and other Nations, under frivolous and vexatious pretexts. 13thly. Because, it provides that Ship timber, Tar, Hemp, Sails, and Copper, shall be considered contraband of War, which articles are expressly stipulated to be free by the Treaties already subsisting between the United States and all other Nations with whom they are in compact.

14thly. Because, it surrenders all or most of the Benefits of a Commercial nature which we had a right to expect from our Neutrality in the present European War.

15thly. Because, it precludes the hope of receiving any advantage from the modern Law of nations referred to in the PRESIDENTS Proclamation of Neutrality; adopted by most of the Nations of Europe in the last War, and to which we then acceded, and have secured in our Treaties with all other Nations.

16thly. Because, it not only surrenders the right of carrying the property of any Nation at War with Great Britain in our Vessels freely, but abandons all pretensions even to the freight.

17thly. Because, it permits the British nation to convert provisions destined to other Nations at War with them, to their own use, on payment of what they may deem reasonable profit; a measure, not only injurious to the interest of the American Merchant, but which will prevent our citizens from carrying American productions to other Countries, which, by the Laws of Nature and Nations they have a right to do without molestation.

18thly. Because, it limits the Power of Congress delegated

the Senate. It was doubtless supposed that these two branches of government would combine, without passion, and with the best means of information, those facts and principles upon which the success of our foreign relations will always depend; that they ought not to substitute for their own conviction the opinions of others, or to seek truth through any channel but that of a temperate and well-informed investigation.

Under this persuasion, I have resolved on the manner of executing the duty before me. To the high responsibility attached to it, I freely submit; and you, Gentlemen, are at liberty to make these sentiments known as the grounds of my procedure. While I feel the most lively gratitude for the many

to them by the Constitution,-" to regulate our Commerce with foreign Nations,"-by prescribing conditions, and creating impediments to the exercise of that Power.

19thly. Because, it exposes the United States and their Commerce to similiar embarrassments from other Commercial nations, all of whom [will] probably regulate our trade by this partial standard.-and Lastly,-Because, in the opinion of the Inhabitants of this town, the Nature and Extent of the Exports of the United States are such, that in all their stipulations with foreign Nations, they have it in their power to secure a perfect reciprocity of intercourse not only with the home Dominions of such Nations, but with all their colonial dependencies.

It is further Resolved, that a Copy of the foregoing Proceedings, attested by the Town Clerk, be immediately transmitted to the PRESIDENT of the United States, that they may be respectfully submitted to his consideration.-And we earnestly hope, and confidently rely, that his Prudence, Fortitude and Wisdom which have more than once been eminestly instrumental in the salvation of his Country, will be equally conspicuous on the present occasion, and that the Reasons we have assigned, will have their influence to induce him to withhold his signature from the Ratification of this alarming Instrument.-Boston Records, xxxi., 407-410.

instances of approbation from my country, I can no otherwise deserve it, than by obeying the dictates of my conscience. With due respect, I am, Gentlemen, &c.

TO ALEXANDER HAMILTON

MY DEAR SIR,

[PRIVATE]

MOUNT VERNON, 29 July, 1795.

Your letters of the 20th and 21st Instt. found me at this place, after a hot and disagreeable ride. As the measures of the government respecting the treaty were taken before I left Philadelphia, something more imperious than has yet appeared, must turn up to occasion a change. Still, it is very desirable to ascertain, if possible, after the paroxysm of the fever is a little abated, what the real temper of the people is, concerning it; for at present the cry against the Treaty is like that against a mad-dog; and every one, in a manner, seems engaged in running it down.

That it has received the most tortured interpretation, and that the writings against it (which are very industriously circulated) are pregnant of the most abominable mis-representations, admits of no doubt; yet, there are to be found, so far as my information extends, many well disposed men who conceive, that in the settlement of old disputes, a proper regard to reciprocal justice does not appear in the Treaty; whilst others, also well enough affected to the government, are of opinion that to

have had no commercial treaty would have been better, for this country than the restricted one, agreed to; in as much, say they, the nature of our Exports and imports (without any extra, or violent measures) would have forced or led to a more adequate intercourse between the two nations without any of those shackles which the treaty has imposed. In a word, that as our exports consist chiefly of provisions and raw materials, which to the manufacturers in G. Britain, and to their Islands in the West Indies, affords employment and food; they must have had them on our terms, if they were not to be obtained on their own; whilst the imports of this country, offers the best mart for their fabrics; and of course, is the principal support of their manufacturers; but the string which is most played on, because it strikes with most force the popular ear, is the violation, as they term it, of our engagements with France; or in other words the predilection shown by that instrument to G. Britain at the expence of the French nation.

The consequences of which are more to be apprehended than any, which are likely to flow from other causes, as ground of opposition; because, whether the fact is, in any degree true or not, it is the interest of the French (whilst the animosity, or jealousies between the two nations exist) to avail themselves of such a spirit to keep us and G. Britain at variance; and they will in my opinion accordingly do it. To what length their policy may induce them to carry matters, is too much in embryo at this moment to decide:-but I predict

much embarrassment to the government therefrom -and in my opinion, too much pains cannot be taken by those who speak, or write, in favor of the treaty, to place this matter in its true light.

I have seen with pleasure, that a writer in one of the New York papers under the signature of Camillus, has promised to answer, or rather to defend the treaty-which has been made with G. Britain. To judge of this work from the first number, which I have seen, I auger well of the performance and shall expect to see the subject handled in a clear, distinct and satisfactory manner:-but if measures are not adopted for its dissemination a few only will derive lights from the knowledge or labor of the author; whilst the opposition pieces will spread their poison in all directions; and Congress, more than probable, will assemble with the unfavorable impressions of their constituents. The difference of conduct between the friends and foes of order and good government, is in nothing more striking than that the latter are always working like bees, to distil their poison; whilst the former, depending often times too much and too long upon the sense and good dispositions of the people to work conviction, neglect the means of effecting it. With sincere esteem & regard

I am, your Affecte.

1 Camillus was Hamilton himself. His papers under this signature may be found in his Works (Lodge's edition), volumes iv. and v.