the Asiatic powers that threatened Syria. Not to mention the swarms of Persian and Assyrian invaders who rushed in streams over Syria into Egypt; not to mention the many wars between the successors of Alexander, the Ptolemies, and the Seleucida; Syria and Egypt were, under the Arabian empire, each in their turn, a continual mark for the ambition of the several rulers, the moment they ceased to be united under the sceptre of the Abassides. The crusaders, as lords of Syria, were in constant war with the sultans of Egypt of the family of Ayoub. St. Louis, in 1250, as prisoner, was witness to their overthrow, and to the establishment of the new dynasty of the mamelukes of the Nile. The two greatest sovereigns of this line secured their power in Egypt by conquests in Syria; the one by driving out the Mongols, and destroying the strongholds of the Assassins; the other by taking away Laodicea, Tripolis, and other cities, from the crusaders: so that nothing more remained in their possession but Ptolemais and Tyre, which were reduced by his son Chalil. Thus was Syria, after two hundred years' usurpation by the crusaders, once more cleared of Franks; and from this time, with the exception of the inroad of Timur, in the unin- | terrupted possession of the mamelukes of the Nile, and then, from 1332, in that of the Tscherkessides, whose power lasted only 134 years.

"The battle of Ridania (22nd January, 1517), gave Egypt into the hands of the Turks, exactly a month from their leaving Damascus. On the 31st of January the army of the Turks entered Cairo; and, on the 13th of April, the last of the mameluke sultans, the brave and upright Tuman Beg, was hanged at Cairo, at the gate of the Suweila."

The power of the mamelukes continued to be exercised to a greater or a less degree. Twentyfour of them, with the title of bey, were appointed, as a check to the viceroy of the sultan; and it was not until their defeat by the French that their authority entirely ceased.

The fearful carnage, in March 1, 1811, is thus described in the "Gentleman's Magazine" for December of that year; and is stated to be from the papers of a gentleman travelling in Egypt as a Cambridge travelling bachelor at that period.

Egypt had ever been considered by the mamelukes as their patrimony; and so deeply was this idea impressed on their minds by long possession, that they complained of the infringements of rights when, upon the evacuation of the English army, the Porte was reinstated in its original authority. But, had it been consistent with justice to restore to the mamelukes their usurped dominion, such conduct would scarcely have been reconcilable to sound policy; since their numbers had been so much reduced by the French arms, as to incapacitate them from defending the country against the attacks of a foreign invader, or even suppressing the languid efforts which the native Egyptians might make against them. Yet the beys, though sensible of their weakness, sighed for the unlimited dominion, of which they had been so lately deprived. Their obedience to the Turkish viceroy, except when enforced with arms, was merely nominal; and the operations of his government were perpetually embarrassed and resisted by mameluke intrigue or rebellion. They

were carrying on open war in Upper Egypt against Mohammed Ali, the viceroy, and even then on the eve of extermination, when the news arrived of the landing of the British army under general Frazer. On the receipt of this intelligence, the pacha immediately concluded a peace with the mamelukes, and led his troops against the British. In one of the articles of the treaty, it was stipulated that the whole corps should come and reside at Cairo, a condition with which great part of them complied; and, under the command of Sciaim Bey, fixed their residence at Gizeh, near the capital, on the opposite side of the Nile; and the remainder, under the command of Ibrahim Bey, continued in Upper Egypt.

About this period the Porte entertained considerable alarm on account of the rapid progress of the Wechabi. Mecca and Medina were in possession of these seceders from Islamism; and the heads of the law at Constantinople had asserted that misfortune must attend all their undertakings so long as the cradle of their faith remained in the hands of heretics. Jussuf, pacha of Damascus, had not been able to resist the numbers and the enthusiasm of this sect; and Suliman, pacha of Acre, had, in consequence, been commissioned to send the head of Jussuf to Constantinople, and assume the command of the pachalic of Damascus. The unfortunate Jussuf fled to Cairo, where he was hospitably received by Mohammed Ali, and protected from the attempts of his rival; and the Porte, finding Suliman no better able than Jussuf to support its authority against its infidel impugners, at last ordered the pacha of Egypt to undertake the recovery of the holy cities, and promised to invest him with the governments of Damascus and Acre.

"The pacha of Acre was already highly exasperated against the viceroy of Egypt on account of the asylum granted to his unfortunate predecessor; and this order and promise of the Porte at once increased his desire for revenge, and presented an opportunity of gratifying it. He listened with eagerness to the proposal made to him by the mamelukes of joining his forces with theirs, and of falling upon Mohammed Ali and the small remains of his army which would be left in Egypt after the departure of the expedition against Mecca, under the command of his son. The plan was matured, and the period of its execution seemed fast approaching; as the pacha of Egypt had assembled a number of boats, nearly sufficient to convey his troops down the Red Sea to Gedda; and his army was collected and encamped near Cairo, in readiness to march down to the coast. But the jealousy and vigilance of the viceroy were as great as the treachery of his enemies. A person in the confidence of Sciaim Bey had been bribed to betray his master, and regularly transmitted to the pacha copies of the correspondence carried on by the beys in Cairo with those in Upper Egypt and Suliman of Acre. The Porte was duly informed of the designs of the conspirators, and, when its definite orders were received, the viceroy inmediately prepared to carry them into execution. Mohammed Ali, in his return from Suez to Cairo, announced the approaching completion of his preparations against Mecca; and that, on the 1st of March, he should celebrate a grand festival on the occasion of solemnly investing his son,

"The mamelukes in Cairo were requested to honour the ceremony with their presence; and accepted the invitation. The procession was to pass through the private streets of Cairo up to the eitadel, where the investiture was to take place. The Turkish infantry led the way, and were followed by the mamelukes on horseback, under the command of Sciaim Bey, who was supported by two sons of the viceroy, Ibrahim Bey and Tussun Pacha: the Delhati or Turkish cavalry followed, and closed the procession. The foot had already entered the interior of the citadel, and the mamelakes were passing between the inner and outer wall of the fortress, along a narrow way inclosed on both sides by high walls and ruined buildings, when the gates at each extremity of the passage were closed. The pacha had revealed his intention to no one until this moment, when he ordered his infantry to line the walls which surrounded the mamelukes, and to commence a heavy fire upon them: even his sons were still mixed with them, and for a time exposed to the same fate.

“The mamelukes, cooped upín a narrow space, where their equestrian skill and great dexterity in the use of the sabre were unavailing, impeded by their own numbers, encumbered by their dresses of ceremony, and surrounded on all sides by an enemy superior in force and protected by his situation, made but a feeble resistance, and were soon compelled to surrender. The wicket of the inner gate was then opened, and the Turkish soldiers dragged out their victims, one by one, into the court of the citadel, where they were first stripped, and then beheaded. They met their fate, it is said, with the most undaunted courage; regretted only that the cowardice of their adversaries had deprived them of an opportunity of displaying that bravery and skill which the Turks had so often and so fatally experienced; and menaced their executioners with the vengeance of their brethren in Upper Egypt. Of 800 mamelukes, inclosed within the walls of the citadel, none escaped; and, in the course of the month, 800 more were destroyed in the towns and villages. A large body of troops marched immediately against the surviving beys in Upper Egypt; namely, Ibrahim Bey the great, who so successfully eluded the French under general Dessaix, that Denon termed him the Egyptian Fabius; Osman Bey Hassan; Selim Bey Machrami; Achmet Bey Manifauch; and Ali Bey Ajub. These, under the command of Ibrahim Bey, were, at the head of 800 mamelukes, with a considerable body of Negroes and Arabs, encamped near the Cataracts. Ibrahim Bey is, with the exception of Osman Bey Hassan, the only leader of note who survives and is well known as such to every English and French commander who has served in Egypt. But both he and Osman are now incapacitated by age from acting with energy proportioned to their difficulties, and from supporting the fatigues ineident to their erratic modes of warfare. Indeed, a report has lately reached England, that the pacha's troops had surprized the mamelukes of Upper Egypt, and succeeded in destroying the last remains of this singular people, which had subsisted, with such varied fortunes, from the days of Saladin

A young gentleman of Hull was at Alexandria when the slaughter commenced, and, in his passage up the Nile, he saw the heads, in pickle, of twenty-four beys being conveyed as a present to the grand signior at Constantinople. On his arrival at Cairo he saw the heads of the ordinary mamelukes ranged before the doors and windows of the mosques, to be owned by the relations of the deceased" (Gent. Mag., Oct., 1811, p. 373).

TO THE WATERMEN EMPLOYED ON THE RIVER SEVERN AND THE WORCESTER AND BIRMINGHAM CANAL.

MY FRIENDS,

The "Albion," the vessel set apart as the waterman's church, having been placed in dock for repairs, will, if all be well, be opened again for public worship on Sunday next, November 2. I am very anxious, my friends, that you should, through the divine blessing, all of you profit by the means of grace thus provided for you, and that you should always bear in mind that you must, after death, give an account at the judgment-seat of every thought, word, and deed, especially of every opportunity you may have had for worshipping God on the sabbath, and hearing the gospel preached-even that gospel which invites you to seek pardon, peace, and eternal salvation, through Jesus Christ our Lord; for "God so loved the world that he gave his only-begotten Son, that whosoever believeth in him should not perish, but have everlasting life." I am quite sure that the more regularly watermen, as well as all other classes, attend the house of God, the better will it be for them and their families: the psalmist found it "to be good to draw near to God," and to put his trust in the Lord God.

re

My friends, depend upon it, they, who " member the sabbath-day to keep it holy," will find that "to worship the Lord in spirit and in truth” brings a blessing on their soul, and that "happy are the people who have the Lord for their God," I have been told-and I was thankful to hear it— that there is much less drunkenness and swearing about the wharfs than formerly; and that there have been instances of watermen, on a voyage from a distance, resting at Worcester during the Sunday, attending public worship, and then proceeding on with their vessels very early on Monday morning. This looks well: "where there is a will, there is a way." When I was absent for my health a little while ago, I met watermen at Bristol and Gloucester, who, I found, had attended your church, and seemed thankful for the privilege afforded them of doing so. A captain of a vessel from the upper part of the river, on the Shropshire side of the country, also informed me that the watermen thereabouts were aware that there is a place of worship at Worcester, at which they will always find a welcome.

"Be not

I hope, my friends, you will "not forsake the assembling of yourselves together at public worship, as the manner of some is," but will encourage one another to serve the Lord. ashamed of the gospel of Christ, for it is the power of God unto salvation to every one that believeth."

(Jewish War, vol. iv. 3). It appears that over this solid part was a reservoir, and above it "a house of two stories, over which were battle

ments and turrets all round." This upper structure has long ago disappeared, and has been replaced by a modern one; about equal in height to the remaining antique portion. It is true, the present height of this most antique portion does not equal that mentioned by Josephus; but then there is a considerable accumulation of rubbish in the surrounding ditch, an accumulation daily increasing. It is the habit of the sapient lords of the country to consider that the ditches round fortified places were made, by the men of old time, not for defence but convenience, to save the trouble of carrying filth and rubbish of all sorts to a distance -at least their practice would suggest this; unless, perhaps, being fatalists, they have discovered the folly of the ancients in taking so much trouble; since, if a fortress is to be captured, ditches will not save it: if it is not, they are needless. Considering the march of intellect, perhaps the latter is the more probable account.

But to return to Herod and Hippicus. I have carefully examined Dr. Robinson's endeavour to identify this site, and have examined on the spot his reasoning and his authorities, as far as I have access to them; and I must say he has, in my opinion, made out a very strong probability. In this case we have here three points of great interest; viz., the identification of the site of David's castle; that of Herod's structure; and also a remnant of Roman architecture, in a sloping bulwark, which, though very ancient, is much more modern than the antique building against which it rests, as a defence to the lower portion, and which he (Dr. R.) is inclined to refer to the times of Adrian*.

I arrived in Jerusalem on a Friday, just as the gates were closing. The next day was fully occupied in settling myself, having an interview with the bishop, by whom I was most kindly received, and preparing for the next day, when I preached my first sermon in the mission chapel on mount Zion. I need scarce say how interesting such an event was. It was an incident never to be forgotten. To preach the gospel in Jerusalem, that centre from which the message of salvation was first sent throughout the earth, to a congregation very largely composed of converts from among God's ancient people, many, I may say most, of whom are indeed adorning the gospel by a consistent life, was indeed a strange and a stirring opportunity. Three months before I had had little idea of ought else but following out the quiet course of my former life among my own people in my own land; and not two months had elapsed since I bid farewell, with many regrets, to my parish in England. What a rapid and thorough change!

Next day, Monday, the first day of the year, just two months since I sailed from Southampton, I found myself sitting in the garden of Geth

semane. I cannot, my friend, tell precisely what I felt or thought: indeed, if I may judge by my own experience, those who give very accurate details of the exceedingly excellent reflections they have made on occasions like these, compose them afterwards in a manner consistent with the genius loci, or, what is more probable, go prepared beforehand to think so and so, and arrive and think as they have determined; and this satisfies conscience in the narrative. For myself, I know I did feel-Here probably the Redeemer endured his agony; and even this very soil was moistened with the drops of "bloody sweat:" there, opposite, certainly, he was dragged up the steep side of Moriah by the rude soldier.

But

In the tradition which identifies this spot I am a firm believer. The total ruin of the city by Titus, and the long subsequent absence of its native inhabitants, does, to me, give an air of ridicule to the accurate identification of this and that locality. On the return of those who knew the places, it must have been very hard, if not impossible, to point them out. Besides which, ancient Jerusalem, as every excavation proves, is many feet below the present city. At this moment a Turk is building a house within a few doors of the one I write in; and I myself saw the ancient street some 16 or 20 feet below the one we now tread: 40 feet of rubbish, the debris of other buildings, had to be dug through, before we could find a solid foundation for the Hebrew church. Gethsemane was never thus overwhelmed. On the side of Moriah, the city never extended beyond the present walls: we know that it was over the Cedron, which this is just across, where the ascent of the mount of Olives commences, and tradition has never wavered as to the spot. The olive-trees, eight in number, are of remarkable age, most pointedly distinguished from all others which grow around; and though, as Titus cut all the trees during the siege, and those in the garden probably also, we cannot believe they are the same which witnessed the events of that awful night, it is by no means impossiblə they may have sprouted afresh from their roots, left at that time in the ground. The olive does this, is moreover a very long-lived tree, and these present every possible sign of age: the trunks are gnarled, hollow, and broken, and, in some places, filled up with stones to support them-one or two completely arched, so that one might pass through and through.

It is said that these eight olive-trees pay only one medine to the government, per annum, the tax laid on all existing olives by the Turks at the conquest: all trees planted since are taxed at one half their produce; therefore, he argues, these trees were found growing at that period. What truth there is in the latter part of this I know not, the former is false. I went to the reverendissimo of the Latin convent, who kindly sent for the steward to satisfy me. From him I learned that the Latins bought the ground from the Turks about three hundred years ago, and that it is wâkf, that is, pays nothing at all. We are thus thrown back on locality, tradition, and the size and age of the trees: these taken together make I think, a very fair case, one which satisfies m at least, who wish to be satisfied; for there is no thing at Gethsemane which makes one wish t