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CHAPTER VI.

JOHN ADAMS' ADMINISTRATION.

1797-1801.

PRESIDENT'S POSITION.

John Adams was inaugurated President in Congress Hall, Philadelphia, March 4, 1797. There was a vague feeling in the minds of all, that storms and difficulties would soon beset the ship of state, now that the one man whom all trusted and honored had left the helm. Hamilton, the recognized leader of the federal party, did not entertain the highest regard for Mr. Adams, and expressed decided fears as to the future, while Adams himself "was fully conscious that his lot had fallen on evil days." In his inaugural address he denied the charge of sympathy for England "which had been hurled against the administration." This somewhat softened the ardor of republican opposition; but though greatly gratified with this, he still continued his attachment for those who had elevated him to the position of Chief Magistrate, and the cabinet of his predecessor was retained.

FRANCE.

At the opening of the new administration our relations Fifth Congress, with France were in a critical condition. Extra Session. In his inaugural, the President had barely touched upon them, merely expressing his high regard for the French people, and wishing that the friendship of the two nations might continue. But affairs grew more and more complicated. C. C. Pinkney, the American minister at France, was ordered to quit the territory, and a decree

was issued authorizing the capture of neutral vessels having on board any productions of Great Britain or her possessions, while a number of American vessels had been actually seized. The French Directory were particularly incensed at Jay's treaty, and expressed in studied terms a contempt for the American government. This alarming situation of affairs induced the President to call an extra session of Congress, which assembled on the 15th of May, 1797. In his message to this Congress, he treated the question exclusively. He laid before them a statement of the aggressions of France, and in strong but temperate language recommended the adoption of "effectual measures of defense." It is necessary, he argues, "to convince France and the world that we are not a degraded people, humiliated under a colonial spirit of fear and sense of inferiority, fitted to be miserable instruments of foreign influence, and regardless of national honor, character, and interest." He indicated his intention, at the same time, however, of making another effort at negotiation. Advances for reconciliation met the concurrence of the Senate, in which body there was an administration majority. Pinkney, Marshall and Gerry were chosen to negotiate for a friendly settlement of the pending difficulties and the resumption of diplomatic relations with France.

"STAMP ACT."

During the extra session an act was passed "laying duties on stamped vellum, parchment and paper." This law resembled the stamp act of 1765, and was obnoxious to a large number of people.

WAR WITH FRANCE THREATENED.

Congress adjourned July 10, and the envoys soon after departed for France. Their efforts at negotiation were entirely fruitless. If they were not treated with open discour

tesy, they were at least denied a treatment worthy the embassadors of a free people. A bribe was demanded of them to the French Directory, and a loan to the French Republic, as preliminaries to any negotiation. At last they received peremptory orders to quit France. Their mission became known as the X. Y. Z. Mission, from the initials used by the agents who demanded the bribes. The publication of this correspondence greatly disconcerted Talleyrand, the foreign minister of the French Directory, and as greatly strengthened the federal influence at home. During all this time the French

continued their attacks on American commerce.

PREPARATION FOR WAR.

Congress met November 13, 1797. There was at first an Fifth Congress, indisposition on the part of the republicans First Session. to resent the insults offered by France, so that early in 1798 the House voted down a proposition to arm American vessels. The war spirit began to prevail, however, and several acts were passed with a view to getting ready for war. A standing army (May, 1798), a naval armament, and the capture of French vessels, were authorized. Washington was made lieutenant-general of the army. The treaties with France were declared no longer binding upon the United States, and the President was given authority to issue letters of marque and reprisal. Although neither country declared war, hostilities were begun upon the ocean. France, seeing the hostile attitude of the United States, made overtures for the adjustment of difficulties. These were accepted, and resulted in a treaty of peace (1800). The passage of those measures relating to the provision of a standing army and naval armament, though sustained for a time by the high current of war feeling, nevertheless were not pleasing to the republicans. They maintained that previous to actual hostilities, the militia and a small naval force were

sufficient for internal defense and the protection of our coasts and harbors. They looked upon the measure, therefore, as calculated to overawe public sentiment in time of peace.

ALIEN AND SEDITION LAWS.

The federalists were fairly intoxicated with power. The bitter feeling for the time engendered against France swept the whole country, and annihilating opposition gave them unrestrained power. It was not considered sufficient to get merely ready for a foreign enemy; it was necessary to overawe the enemy at home. Impelled by their passion for a strong government they forced through two measures which operated badly against them upon the popular feeling, and really constituted the "death warrant" of the federal party. These were the alien and sedition laws passed in the summer of 1798. The former authorized the President to "order any alien whom he should judge to be dangerous to the peace and liberties of America to depart from the United States," and made provisions for the fining and imprisonment of such aliens as should refuse to obey the President's order. The latter imposed a heavy fine and imprisonment upon such as should combine or conspire together to oppose any measure of government, and such as should utter any false, scandalous or malicious writing against the government, Congress or President of the United States. This act was not repealed until March, 1801. It is apparent at once that such a stretch of power as this is incompatible with free republican government. The opposition party very naturally contended that these laws put too much power into the hands of the executive, and also that they were unconstitutional, as the first amendment of the constitution expressly guaranteed the freedom of speech and of the press. After the war feeling subsided, popular opinion inclined to the republican view. Congress adjourned July 16, 1798.

THE NATURALIZATION LAW.

A law was passed, providing, among other requirements, that an alien must reside in the United States fourteen years in order to become a citizen thereof. This law was repugnant to the republicans, since it retarded immigration, allowed in the country too many persons owing no allegiance to the government, and assailed the idea that the rights of America. are the rights of human nature.

THE KENTUCKY AND VIRGINIA RESOLUTIONS.

The high-handed measures of the federal party, especially the alien and sedition laws, gave birth to the doctrine of nullification. Jefferson and his adherents thought that this was an auspicious time for formulating and officially declaring the "principles" with regard to the rights of states and the prerogatives of federal power. Seeing no hope of present success in Congress the republican leaders determined to enter their protests against federal measures through state legislatures. To this end a set of resolutions, drawn up by Jefferson, was adopted by the Kentucky legislature in 1798, and in the same year the Virginia legislature adopted a similar series drawn up by Madison. The Virginia resolutions did not go as far as the former, from the fact that Madison doubted somewhat the constitutionality of the contemplated procedure, and, on that account, couched his meaning in more general terms. They, in substance, declared that the constitution was a compact by which the states had surrendered only a limited portion of their powers; that the states, as such, had rights, in behalf of which it was their duty to interpose whenever the federal government transcended its delegated authority and trampled upon them; that the alien and sedition laws were examples of such usurpation by the federal government of

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