that all political connection between them and the state of Great Britain is, and ought to be, totally dissolved; and that, as Free and Independent States, they have full power to levy war, conclude peace, contract alliances, establish commerce, and do all other acts and things which Independent States may of right do. And for the support of this Declaration, with a firm reliance on the protection of DIVINE PROVIDENCE, we mutually pledge to each other our lives, our fortunes, and our sacred honor.

JOHN HANCOCK.

NEW HAMPSHIRE.-Josiah Bartlett, William Whipple, Matthew Thorn

ton.

MASSACHUSETTS BAY.-Samuel Adams, John Adams, Robert Treat Paine, Elbridge Gerry.

RHODE ISLAND, ETC.-Stephen Hopkins, William Ellery.

CONNECTICUT.—Roger Sherman, Samuel Huntington, William Williams, Oliver Wolcott.

NEW YORK.--William Floyd, Philip Livingston, Francis Lewis, Lewis Morris.

NEW JERSEY.-Richard Stockton, John Witherspoon, Francis Hopkins, John Hart, Abraham Clark.

PENNSYLVANIA.-Robert Morris, Benjamin Rush, Benjamin Franklin, John Morton, George Clymer, James Smith, George Taylor, James Wilson, George Ross.

DELAWARE. Cæsar Rodney, George Read, Thomas M'Kean.

MARYLAND.-Samuel Chase, William Paca, Thomas Stone, Charles Carroll, of Carrollton.

VIRGINIA.-George Wythe, Richard Henry Lee, Thomas Jefferson, Benjamin Harrison, Thomas Nelson, Jr., Francis Lightfoot Lee, Jr., Carter Braxton.

NORTH CAROLINA.-William Hooper, Joseph Hewes, John Penn.

SOUTH CAROLINA.-Edward Rutledge, Thomas Hayward, Jr., Thomas Lynch, Jr., Arthur Middleton.

GEORGIA.-Button Gwinnett, Lyman Hall, George Walton.

CHAPTER IV.

CONFEDERATION POLITICS.

NATURE OF THE CONFEDERATION.

Delegates to Congress were elected by the legislatures of the several states, each sending not less than two. These were supported by the states appointing them, and subject to their recall. The delegates were to vote by states, each having one vote, thus placing the large and small states on equality. The states, without the consent of Congress, were prohibited from engaging in war, entering into treaties, or keeping troops and vessels of war, except in times of actual hostility.

The Articles of Confederation constituted a league of friendship for the common defense, the security of liberty, and the general interests of all. The confederation had the exclusive right of determining on peace and war; of entering into treaties and alliances; of sending and receiving ambassadors; of granting letters of marque and reprisal; of deciding cases of captures on land and water; of determining disputes concerning jurisdictions, boundaries, and other cases between the states; of emitting bills of credit; of borrowing or appropriating money; of coining money; and regulating the interests of the nation.

The eighth article was the one that rendered the government so inefficient. It provided that all charges of war, and all other expenses for the common defense and general welfare which Congress might allow, should be defrayed out of the common treasury. The several states were to supply this treasury in proportion to the value of all land within each state; but the levying of taxes for the payment of such pro

portion was under the authority and direction of the legislatures of the several states. Congress promptly performed its duty by directing the collection of taxes, but the states seldom fulfilled their duty in making assessments. The necessity of compliance was not felt by the states, and their delays. greatly embarrassed the government and rendered the efforts of Congress feeble and often ineffectual, where prompt and efficient action was indispensable to procure the safety and defend the honor of the country. It frequently happened that the authorized calls of Congress were entirely neglected. The failure of the states to perform their imperative duties prevented the confederate government from meeting its engagements or entering into new ones with the expectation of fulfilling them. The inability of Congress to act and perform their duties was the cause of the weakness and inefficiency of the confederation.

The union of thirteen sovereign states, which should preserve the rights of each and render efficient the authority of the general government, was a work fraught with inconsistencies and attended by almost insurmountable difficulties. It was only approximately attained under the Articles of Confederation.

An observer, living in the times of the confederation, said: "By this political compact, the United States Congress have the exclusive power for the following purposes, without being able to execute one of them: They may make and conclude treaties; but they can only recommend the observance of them. They may appoint ambassadors; but they can not even defray the expenses of their tables. They may borrow money in their own name, on the faith of the Union; but they can not pay a dollar. They may coin money; but they can not purchase an ounce of bullion. They may make war, and determine what number of troops is necessary; but they

can not raise a single soldier. In short, they may declare everything, but can do nothing."

Chief Justice Marshall observed that "a government authorized to declare war, but relying upon independent states to prosecute it; capable of contracting debts and of pledging the public faith for their payment, but depending upon thirteen distinct sovereignties for the preservation of that faith, could only be rescued from ignominy and contempt by finding those sovereignties administered by men exempt from the passions incident to human nature."

DISTRUST OF POWER.

The political acts during the Revolution and confederation can not be understood without a knowledge of colonial opinion regarding all external power. To this there was a deep-rooted antipathy engendered by the years of struggle against the guardianship of Great Britain. This antipathy was extended to Congress, and in spite of the fact that it was composed of delegates from their own people, they viewed the body in the light of a foreign power. The people thought they must see in Congress what a "people is always apt to expect from a power foreign to the government of the stateunpleasantness, annoyance, and usurpation." This distrust steadily increased, and what information the Americans lacked on the most desirable form of government, they endeavored to supply by reasoning, and crude theories. This antipathy was not modified till experience taught American legislators that their scheme of government, according to the Articles of Confederation, was lacking in some of the most essential features. This was accomplished only by events that brought the country to the verge of anarchy.

WEAKNESS OF CONGRESS.

During the confederation period the distress grew greater