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« in some instances, sums of money were system. For, either it is a good system, " demanded and extorted. The Commit- or it is not : either it is calculated to make
tee, without entering into details, thought the people happy, or it is not: if the latter, " it necessary to state, that the first object the system ought to be changed; if the foror of these rioters seemed to be the breaking mer, the people are hostile lo the govern“ of machinery; but they had in many in- ment for hostility's sake ; they, in this case, "stances resorted to measures infinitely must hate the system under which they " more alarming, namely, the demanding live. I shall not undertake to say which os of arms; and had even carried them off, is the case. It is not necessary. But, one os in many instances where they allowed or the other is the case; that I will say, "every other species of property to remain and, in the assertion, I am warranted by « untouched. These seemed not to be the irrefutable argument. The conclusion, 66 effect of any sudden impulse, but of an either way, is mortifying enough to the
organized systein of lawless violence. pride of those, who began the war for the "Sometimes the rioters were under the purpose of keeping democratical principles " control of leaders; and were distin- out of England, and who, at a later period, "guished not by nanues but by numbers; exulted, with Arthur YOUNG, that nothing " were known to each other by signs and short of an iron despotism would be suffi
countersigns; and carried on all with the cient to keep order in France; and that, " utmost caution. They also took an oath, thus, the people of England would be ler" that while they existed under the canopy rified from all thoughls of reform. This ss of Heaven they would not reveal any thing malignant, this diabolical idea is clearly I connected with the present disturbances, and unreservedly expressed by Arthur " under the penalty of being put out of ex. Young, in his “ Warning." Yes; after listence by the first brother whom they having seen all France; after having wit" should meet, &c. It did not appear to nessed, described, and inveighed against " the Committee that any sums of money the oppressions and miseries under the old " were distributed among the rioters. It government of France, he exults at the
was extremely difficult to discover them. prospect of seeing the people of France " It was held out to them that they might punished with an iron and everlasting des
expect to be joined by other discontented potism; and why? Because they had put oc
persons from Londod, and that there down for ever that old government, under
were persons in the higher ranks who which he had before said they were so "I would also lend them support; but of grievously oppressed. But, what have " these insinuations the Committee were these sentiments of the Secretary of the có able to find no evidence. Whatever was Board of Agriculture to do with the subject " their object, however, and whoever were before us ? A great deal to do with it. " the secret movers of these disturbances, For, we now see, that though the people “yet the secrecy with which they were of France were so far foiled by the English “ carried on, the attemp!s at assassination government and its allies as not to be able " that had been made, the oaths that liad to establish freedom in France; though « been administered, and the system of ter- they have been, after all, compelled, for
ror that prevailed, had not failed to im- the sake of tranquillity and safety, to sub, press the Committee deeply.”— -Deep- mit to what they call monarchy, and what ly enough, no doubt; but there was, 'it our hired writers call a military despotism; seems, no evidence to prove a selling on; though the wish, the abominable, the fiendno evidence to prove a plot. And, this is like wish of Arthur Young and the Antithe circumstance that will most puzzle the Jacobins has been thus far, according to ministry. They can find no agilators. their own account, accomplished; though it is a movement of the people's own, as they assert that France labours under the far as it goes; and, if the ministry say, that most terrible of despotisms ; still are they it does not arise from the dearness of provi- now compelled to confess, that there are a sions and from other causes of distress; if. part, at least, of the people of England who it does not arise from that source, it follows, have not taken the “Warning." These that it must arise from some dislike of what people have seen all that has passed in the government itself is doing or has done ; France. They have seen it all, and yet it follows, that the people are displeased they are, it seems, not afraid of change! Bilme omething in their rulers; and this is Mr. Young must be greatly surprised at
Dehled disaffection. There is a this. He must be greatly mortified to see
on here for the eulogists of the his most charitable wish disappointed!
Returning now more immediately to the prevailed upon to believe this; but it is subject; upon the above-mentioned report come true, it seems, after all. The Antihas been grounded a Bill, which is now be. Jacobins will not believe me; they despise fore parliament. Of this Bill, which is in my warnings; and they pay for it in the tended as a remedy for the evils stated in end. Not only the public, but the governthe report, the chief feature is a power ment, in England, wholly dispelieved that given to the Justices (who are all appointed the Americans would go to war. The by the Crown) to DISARM THE PEOPLE truth is, that there are so many newsat their discretion, or, at least, so nearly at papers in England, whose sole purpose is discretion, as to leave no room for a clearly to deceive the public, that the wonder is, defined exception. There are other
any truth at all ever gains general bevisions in the Bill, which would be calcu- lief. -There has, however, been an exlated to attract attention, if unaccompanied traordinary degree of obstinacy as to the with that which I have just stated; but this real intention of America with regard to is such a thumper, that it leaves no room war. Nothing could induce people to befor surprise or any other feeling at the rest. lieve that she would go to war. I asserted DISARM THE PEOPLE: Disarm the and proved, as I thought, that it was napeople of England! And FOR WHAT? turally to be expected that she would go to No matter what. The fact is quite enough. war, unless we did away the Orders in The simple sentence stating this one fact Council and also the Impressment of Amewill save foreign statesmen the trouble of rican Seamen ; but, scarcely a soul would making any inquiries relative to the inter- believe. Perhaps, it may be good for the nal state of England. It speaks whole vo
cause of freedom that I was not believed ! lumnes. A law is passing for taking the -But, let us now quit the past, and look arms away from a part of the people of a little to the future. What will take England! What can be added to this, in place now? The letter, or prelended letter, order to give Napoleon an adequate idea of from Liverpool, under the date of the 18th our situation? Why, this: That LORD instant, would make this cheated nation CASTLEREAGH the man to propose
believe, that, the moment the news arrives the measure ! - The whole of the act will of the repeal of the Orders in Council, the be inserted by me hereafter, in order that it quarrel with America will be at an end. may be read in every country in the world;
It will be best, however, to let the and, in the meanwhile, I shall content my letter speak for itself. _" I have to adself with a few remarks upon the debates," vise you, that a pilot-boat is arrived here which took place, in the House of Com. 10-day from New York, which she left on mons, during the progress of the Bill; but, " the 23d ult., bringing an account that the these I must postpone to my next, for sub
“ Senate, after deliberating seven days, had jects now present themselves, which, in come to the resolution of declaring war point of time, demand a preference. None" against Great Britain, 19 to 13. An can equal it in point of intrinsic import express had arrived at New York to Maance; because the disarming of the people jor Bloomfield, which he read at the head is decisive of the character, not only of our " of his army, formally announcing that present, but of our future situation ; but, in " the United States had declared war point of lime, there are subjects which are against Great Britain.--I think it proper still more pressing.
to add, however, that the houses in New " York which dispatched the pilot with
" this information, for the purpose of makSUMMARY OF POLITICS.
"ing speculations in produce, expressly AMERICAN States. -A second Ami " ardered that, should the Orders in Counrican War seemed to be all that was want u cil be revoked, their friends here were ed 10 complete the round of adventures in “ on no account to make any purchases for this jubilee reign; and this, it seems, we " them: This is a convincing proof that have now got. It was very hard to per " this Declaration of War will be short suade people, that America would declare " lived, and on the arrival of the Gazette, war. I begged of the Regent not to listen containing the revocation of the Orders to those who affected to laugh at American " in Council, all matters in dispute behostility. I told him, in so many words, tween the two countries will be amicably that we should have war, unless we re 56 settled. The Mackarel schooner had been dressed the grievances that America com "s dispatched from New York by Mr. Fosplained of. Scarcely any body could be s ter, direct to Falmouth the day before
" the pilot-boat sailed. When the Senate what all the rest of the world clearly fore
came to the resolution of declaring war, saw. It is thus, too, more than by any “ the account of Mr. Perceval's death had other means, that the country has been s not reached Washington, but was known brought into its present humbled and dis" at New Várk:” Thus -a new false tressed state. The people have always been hood is to be set on foot. : We are now to believing pretty nearly the contrary of believe, tal 'the declaracion.of. war, is 10 truth while the event was coming. The have no ejeci. Tiib now it, bas been assert-result has, in almost every case, been preed, distinctly asserted, that the Senate cisely the opposite of what was expecied; had rejected the proposition for war. This, and the world have thought the people of as the reader well knows, has been stated England mad for their silly expectations ; most distinctly, with all the circumstances' but, if the world knew the means that are attending the fact. It was not only assert- used to make the people of England believe ed, that the Senate had rejected the propo- falsehoods instead of truth; if the world sition, but the number of the majority knew, that the people of England, during against the motion was given to this deceiv. the progress of any expedition or other wared, this cheated, this insulted nation. In like undertaking, for instance, hear pothing the Courier news-paper of the 17th instant but falsehoods respecting it, the world was published the following paragraph: would not be surprised at the disappoint
- We stop the press to state, that we ment of the people of England at the res have just learned, that on a motion made sult. These observations apply with “ in the House of Representatives for de- peculiar force to the dispute with Ainerica,
claring war against Great Britain, the who has been represented to the people of " question was carried by a large majority; England as being, even now, wholly in" but on being brought up to the Senate, capable of going to war, and whose govern“ it was REJECTED by a majorily of Two." ment has been represented as acting con---This was published on the 17th of trary to the sense of the people in all its July, and, on the 20th, the above letter acts of resistance against England. Now, from Liverpool. Now, upon what au- however, we are at war, if the above news thority was the first stateinent made? | be true ; and even now new falsehoods are Clearly upon to authority at all. It was a attempted to be palmed upon us. But, falsehood; a falsehood intended to deceive does the reader not perceive, that, if Amethe people of England; a falsehood intended rica has declared war, she is at war ? And 10 cheat them ; a falsehood intended to an- that, if she is at war, there must be a swer must base and yet most foolish pur-trealy before there can be a peace? To poses; for, on the 20th, out comes the make a treaty of peace will require some iruth by sheer force. I have heard a gen- months, at any rate ; and, does the reader tleman say, that he verily believed, that, suppose, that the Americans, after the exif the French were at Dover, half a million pense of arming has been encountered, will. strong, these same news-papers would re- disarm, till she has obtained satisfaction present Napoleon as at the last gasp. I upon all the points at issue? The acts of hardly believe that; for, by the time he aggression (as she considers them) on our was safely landed, they would be consi- part are many; and does the reader supdering of the means of going over to his pose, that the mere news of the repeal of side, and would, in their own minds, be the Orders in Council will satisfy her? settling as to their price. But, short of a -Besides, if there were no subject of crisis like that, there is nothing that will disagreement but that of the Orders in induce them to desist from persevering in Council, does not the reader perceive, that falsehood to the very moment of detection. the repeal has not been full, and complele, To the very moment! They know well, and unqualified; and that, if it were so, that a few weeks, days, or hours, must'ex America cannot be expected to disarm pose their falsehoods to the public; but, they without some sort of compensation? What! know also, that, for those weeks, days, or Is our government to commit upon the hours, the falsehoods answer their purpose. Americans whatever acts of aggression it And, when one falsehood is worn out, they pleases; and, after that, when America have another. Thus it is, that this nation arms and declares war, are we to suppose, is deceived; it is thus that it is more that, to effect an instant peace, we have deceived than any other nation upon earth; nothing to do but to pul a stop to our agand that, at last, when calamity comes gressions? I do not take upon me to asupon it, it seems to be thunderstruck at sert, that they are aggressions ; but, sup
posing them to be such, as I really think the news of his death; the bare news of his they are, does the reader suppose, that our death, might have prevented a war with government possess a license to commit America: And yet have these same acts of aggression, and to put forward its writers the impudence to call the people of mere cessation of them as a ground for Nottingham, and other places, monsters peace with the offended party ? 'This is because they expressed their joy upon renot the way with our governinent, either ceiving that same news! In conclusion, abroad or at home. It is always talking I beg the reader to bear in mind, that I of " indennily for the past and security for have been nearly two years endeavouring the future ;" and, why are we to suppose to prevent a war with America; that, very that the American Government will not soon after I was sentenced to be imprisoned talk in the same way? If a man offend two years in Newgate and to pay a thouour government, does it say, cease to sand pounds to the King, for writing about offend us, and there is an end of the mat the flogging of English Local Militia-men ter ?”' No : this is not the language it is at the town of Ely and about the employing now making use of to the people in the of German Troops upon that occasiou ; I Luddite counties. It punishes them, when beg the reader to bear in mind, that, very it can catch them; and shall it lay it down soon after that imprisonment commenced, as a maxim, that it is never to be made I began my most earnest endeavours 10 responsible for what it does ?--The reader prevent this war, the most fatal, I lear, may be assured, that the Americans do of all the many wars in which we have not consider it as exempted from the usual been engaged, since the present King laws and principles by which nations re- mounted the throne. I was enabled to tell gulate their conduct towards each other ; pretty exactly what would come to pass, and, he may be further assured, that the unless we redressed the grievances of Ameinquiries relative to the state of our manu- rica without delay. I had letters from 'facturers will not, when read in America, America, written by persons of a little tend to lower her tone. -She is now more understanding than appears to be armed ; she has got over her great reluct- possessed by those from whom our lawance to inlist soldiers and to fit out armed yers get their information.
I did not vessels ; and, she will, in my opinion, know to what extent the merchants of Amenever lay down her arms, that is to say, rica might subunit to have their property she will never make peace with us, until seized; but I was well assured, that the we agree to make her ample compensation American people would no longer suffer for her losses and injuries under the Orders their seainen to be impressed upon the open in Council, and also agree to desist from im- sea. This I was positively told nearly two pressing any persons on board her ships at years ago; and, I am now particularly sea. -Are we prepared for this ? Are anxious to impress it upon the minds of the associates of Perceval ready to give up the ministers; for, they may be assured, these points ? Are they ready to pay for that the American Government, if it has what has been captured under regulations, actually declared war, will never make which the Americans regard as a violation peace till that point is settled to the satisof their rights ; and are they ready to make faction of the American people; till, in it a crime in any English officer to seize short, we agree to desist wholly from taking seamen on board American ships at sea ? | any person whatever out of an American If they are, we shall certainly soon be at ship at sea. -I am aware how stinging peace with America ; if they are not, my it will be to some persons in England to opinion is, that we shall have war with yield one jot to America. I am aware how her, till those points are given up. inuch more they hate her government than The close of the pretended Letter from they hate that of France. I am aware Liverpool is curious. It observes that, I bow glad they would be to hear of the 66 when the Senate came to the resolution United States being swallowed up by an " of declaring war, the account of Mr. earthquake. Not so, however, the people " Perceval's death had not reached Wush- of England generally, who do not grudge "ington,”- As much as to say, that if any thing that is yielded to America so the news of his death had reached Wash- much as they do what is yielded to other ington, war might not have been declared! powers. They do not, besides, see very And this is the way in which the friends clearly the advantages they are to derive of the little dead lawyer speak of him, is from the keeping down of the Ainericans by it? They leave us clearly to infer, that the means of the English nary. They do
not see the benefit that is likely to accrue treaty at all with us. If we look upon his to them from any thing, the tendency of abdication in favour of Napoleon as nothing which is to press upon a free people in at all, still we must know that the man is another country. Nothing, I am con- in France; we must know that he has never vinced, will ever make an American war received any Embassador from England; popular in England.
that he has signed no treaty, and that he
has, in fact, no power whatever as a king. FRENCH OVERTURES FOR PEACE. Besides, who made him a king ? How This is a subject of great importance. Not came he to be considered king of Spain ? so great as that of disarming the people of His father is alive; and, while he lives, English counties, but, certainly, of very how can his son be king? Why, they great importance. Peace and Reform are tell us, that the king, his father, abdicated necessary to England; they are now be the throne in favour of his son.
But, the come necessary to her happiness and even father has since declared, in the most pub-, to her safety. When, therefore, another lic and solemn manner, that, in abdicating, offer of peace has been made to us, it be- he yielded to fear; that the abdication was hoves us to inquire what were the terms extorted from him at the perilof his life, and, proposed.--In another part of this Num- upon that ground he resumed his crown. ber I have inserted the letter of the Duke -Besides, is the right of Ferdinand will of Bassano, containing the proposition of stand upon the ground of an abdication in the Emperor Napoleon, and also the an- his favour, why will not the right of Naswer of Lord Castlereagh.--The propo- poleon stand upon the same ground, since sition has been represented as unfair, in- we know well, that Ferdinand abdicated sidious, and I know not what besides; but, the throne in favour of Napoleon ; If abin my opinion, a proposition more fair, dication is to hold good in the one case, more frank, and, ihe circumstances con- why not in the other? If Ferdinand can sidered, more moderale, never was made acquire a crown by the abdication of its by one nation to another at the opening of possessor, why can he not dispose of it in a negociation. The basis is, each party the same way?-It has been said, ihat the shall keep in peace the territories of which abdication was exlerled from Ferdinand ; the other has not been able to deprive him but, we have not heard that he himself has by war. This is the proposed basis ; or, made any such complaint. It is our kind at least, it is the main stone of it. And, and generous government that makes the what can be more fair; what more explicit complaint for him. But, at any rate, it or comprehensive ; what more reasonable? was but extorting from him that which his To reject a basis like this is to proclaim a own father had accused him of having ex• disposition to continue war, without end torted. If Ferdinand, in the face of his faand without object. ----But, it is, it may ther's protest, had a right to possess the be said to other parts of the overture, that crown, surely any one to whom he might Lord Castlereagh objects. He objects to make it over could not fail in his right of the leaving of Spain in the hands of King possession. So much for the legitimacy Joseph. This point, has already cost us of Ferdinand's rights. This, however, is four years of war at the rate of about a trifle compared with the design, now 20,000,000 of pounds a year, and how clearly developed, of continuing the war many men it has cost I cannot even venture though Portugal is offered to be guaranteed to guess. Eighty millions of money is, to the House of Braganza. What could however, something; and, it would seem we expect more than this?
This seemed, that we are very far indeed from being at at one time, to be an object beyond our the end of the account.--The overture of hopes ; and now when the enemy offers it Napoleon is, by Lord Castlereagh, under to us, and offers besides to leave us in posstood to mean, that, as to Spain, the pre- session of all the French and Dutch and sent king, Joseph is to reign there ; and, Danish Islands, containing about 35 milthis being the case, the Prince Regent can lions of inhabitants, nearly twice the numnot consent to treat, because he owes it ber that France has added to her subjects ; " to his honour,” because he is bound by when the independence of Sicily is offered treaty to Ferdinand and his Cortes. Really to be guaranteed ; and when the Emperor I do not see how he can be so bound. offers to leave us in quiet possession of Ferdinand has lived in France ever since Malta ; aye, of that MALTA, which was the war began in Spain. I am at a loss to the cause, and the sole professed cause, of imagine how he can be said to have any this war of Trojan duration ; when even