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of the American States? It appears to me to be something too absurd to be thought possible, that this scheme should have been in contemplation. No: something more solid was, I am fully convinced, intended; and, it having been discovered, that the boon could not be granted without an act of Parliament, it became prudent to give the matter up. If the Order had gone into effect agreeably to the plain English of it, it is very clear that it would have operated greatly to the injury of the officers of our own army. For instance, an English colonel might have had twenty or thirty of these German colonels put, at once over his head, if there were that number whose commissions were of a date prior to his, which would have been extremely injurious to him, and, upon the supposition of his having purchased his commission, not less unjust than injurious; seeing that, when he purchased, he could not have had in contemplation the introduction of these or any other foreigners.The matter, however, has now been explained, and with that explanation I should have been satisfied for the present, if other matters, connected with it, had not been introduced. While the order was, in the debate, explained not to mean that the Germans were to have rank permanently in our army, great pains were taken to inculcate the opinion, that such a favour would not have been too great for their merits. The praises bestowed upon them were unbounded; one member appears to have been understood as giving them the preference to English officers; and Lord Palmerston, rather indiscreetly, as it turned out, called upon Lord Folkestone to look at the GAZETTES, if he wished to know whether the Germans had, or had nol, DISTINGUISHED themselves during the war.Lord Folkestone accepted the challenge, which was repeated by General Stewart. His Lordship said, "With respect to the desire, or rather challenge, of the gallant Officer (Stewart) to look to the ga"zettes, in order to ascertain the achievements of the German Legion, he (Lord F.) had taken occasion to review those gazettes, because a similar desire had "been the night before expressed to him ❝ by others, and he was happy to find that ❝in glory, as it appeared from the losses, the British army was not inferior, compared with those highly-applauded, those particularly-honoured Foreigners. For what was the comparison? Why, let the House and the Country judge from a

"few instances."- -His Lordship then made the following comparative statement, a copy of which he has done me the honour to transmit to me.

BATTLE OF TALAVERA,

German Legion lost, on an ave

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British regiments, on an average,

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22 103 125

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18 91 109

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45 296 341

16 127 143

44 322 366

148 1037 1205

175 195cers; that it was understood as giving them a permanent situation in our army, is very clear, and, indeed, General Stewart defended the Order in that sense of il. Lord Palmerston said, indeed, that the German Officers did not so understand it; and, in proof of the truth of his assertion, be said he had a letter to that effect from some 148 1067 1215 German Baron, who is a General; but, upon a question being put to Lord Palmerston by Lord Folkestone, the former con14 106 121 fessed that the said letter was written after the latter had given notice of his motion'

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That is, for each one English Battalion, more than the five German Battalions put together.

Now, reader, English reader, when you have looked well at this, look once more at the ORDER in question, which said that, "In consideration of the King's German "Legion having so frequently distinguished "themselves against the enemy, during the "campaign, but particularly at the battle "of Salamanca, His Royal Highness the "Prince Regent, acting in the name and ་ on behalf of His Majesty, has been "pleased to order that those Officers now "6 serving with temporary rank in the se"veral regiments of that corps, shall have "permanent rank in the British army, from the dates of their respective Com"missions." Here; then, are we all in a situation to judge. "Upon this review," added Lord Folkestone," the Country may decide which description of force "encountered more danger, suffered more "loss, gained more glory, or was entitled "to more praise. To some persons he knew it would be absurd to appeal. From those who paid more regard to "their own will than to law or reason; "from those who could originate an order "apparently designed, and since it was "issued he would undertake to say notori"ously conceived, to involve a direct vio"lation of law, he could not expect due "attention. But he looked to the consi"deration of the Gentlemen of that House, "who must feel, that whatever difference "of opinion might prevail upon general questions, the explanation of this extra"ordinary order was calculated to do "good."A great deal of good, certainly, and for which the country is indebied to Lord Folkestone, who by this one act, has, in my opinion, rendered greater service to the country than would be ren dered by the driving of the French out of Spain. That the Order was generally understood as putting the Germans upon exactly the same footing as our own offi

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-Upon this occasion the old doctrines; that is to say, the doctrines of the last writer, were advanced in defence of employing these foreigners in England, and Mr. Ponsonby, the leader of the whigs, begged to be understood as not participating in the "vulgar prejudices" which were said to exist against employing these foreigners in England. Sir H. Mildmay is also reported as having disclaimed such prejudices. They were well answered by Lord Milton, who said, that he must protest against any foreigner whatever, being appointed to commands in England, and that he could make no exception ìp favour of Hanoverians, for that they were not, and never had been subjects of the King of England. It was urged by Lord Palmerston and others, in defence of the employing of foreign troops, that Buonaparté did the same. This was urged once before, and it was once before observed in answer, that it ought to be shown, to make it a case in point, that Buonaparté employed foreign troops in France; that he gave them commissions in French regiments; that he gave them command of military districts in France; no part of which has ever been, and, in my opinion, ever can be, shown.

Besides, must we do a thing, or think a thing right to be done, because he does the like? What would be said of me if I were to insist that we ought to abolish tithes, for instance, because tithes have been abolished in France? Nay, to come closer to the point, what was said, and what was attempted to be done, to the editor of the Independent Whig, because he found fault, with our Government for not treating our soldiers in the same manner that Buonaparté treated his soldiers? This, supposing the cases to be perfectly similar, is no justification at all of the measure. But nothing can, in my opinion, be more dissimilar than the two cases, and the use of the argument only tends to shew how des

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permit it as soon as the necessity for their presence ceased to exist; not with an unwise and unprecedented zeal, but in the spirit that had thus grown up with the Constitution itself, it would have behoved every man in that House to look at the Order in question, had its purport been such, as until that night it had universally been supposed to be. Although he was not in the habit of paying the Noble Lord who made the motion many compliments, he could by no means indulge in any sneer against him, for having brought under the consideration of Parliament a document so enigmatical, as even to deceive the companion in arms of those to whom it related. On the contrary, he thought the Noble Lord was in the present instance entitled to the gratitude of the House and the country, for having produced the explanation which had been afforded by the Noble Secretary at War, and for having put him (Mr. Canning) in a situation which permitted him, instead of supporting the Noble Lord's motion, to pay him a compliment, and vote against it.

earthly consideration could have induced him, as a member of that House, acting upon constitutional principles, to have lent his sanction to such a measure, had it possessed the character which he and the country had erroneously attributed to it. To all that had been said of the services of the brave German troops he most heartily subscribed; and if any question had arisen with respect to their merits, the House must feel that the gallant and generous tes timony just borne to those merits by a kindred spirit, would have been conclusive on the subject. (Hear!) But it was no disparagement to the gallant General who had spoken so much to their credit and his own, to say, that while that Hon. Officer looked at the question with a military eye, it became the House to consider it with a view to its bearing on the Constitution. While he cordially concurred in all that had been said, and in all that could be added in praise of the German troops, he could not let his feelings, or the consideration of the existing crisis, so far overpower his duty to his country as to forget (as he thought the Noble Secretary at War Lord Folkestone made a short reply to seemed at one time to forget) that it was the various arguments that had been adnecessity alone that justified their employ-duced against his motion. He expressed ment. Although no man, rationally considering the circumstances of the times, could object to their employment, yet it ought always to be remembered, that to employ them was the exception and not the rule. Looking, therefore, at the Order as it had been generally understood as it had been understood by the public as well as by himself-an understanding, he must observe, mainly supported by the comments with which it was accompanied at the time the Order was issued in publications, which, though certainly not authorized, were widely circulated-an understanding, of which the report of that night's debate would convey to the country the first contradiction-he must say, that it would have involved a principle from which it would have been imperative on him utterly to dissent. In the best and earliest times of our renovated Constitution -in the reign of that hero to whom we were indebted for that Constitution-in the case of the very troops which had been called in to secure the establishment of that Constitution-in the case of the Dutch troops in the service of King William, although that great sovereign and benefactor of the country descended almost to suppli-guage and manners." cate the House of Commons to allow him to retain his own guards, they would not

his astonishment that any Honourable Member should come down and eulogise the German troops, holding them up as superior to British troops.

General Stewart spoke to order, denying that he had characterized the German as superior to the British troops. On the contrary, he had avowed his partiality of the British troops, and particularly British cavalry; instancing, at the same time, a regiment of German cavalry, which had nobly distinguished itself.

Lord Folkestone continued. He understood him distinctly to have spoken of other military departments also, in which he had given the preference to the Germans. He would contend, in opposition to what had fallen from the Secretary at War, that Baron Linsingen had actually for some period com. manded the Eastern District, and ordered out the militia regiments at Ipswich. This was contrary to the express words of the Act of Parliament, which, in sanctioning the employment of those Foreign Officers, expressly stated that they were only to be allowed commands in their own particular corps, "inasmuch as they could best drill them, from being acquainted with their lanHe should also state, that in the teeth of an Act of Parliament, part of the 60th regiment, raised only for

the proper, and in fact, the only way to make the reference was, to establish a fair estimate by the comparison of numbers, as equal as possible, between certain proportions or corps of the British army and the German Legion.

service in America, was sent to the Peninsula. No man would object to such employment of them, if Ministers, instead of breaking an Act of Parliament, would come to Parliament and point out the necessity of such a change of destination. Upon occasions of this nature, there was something Lord Folkestone maintained that he had else to be consulted besides the map of Eu- founded his estimate upon that very comrope. He thought it as necessary to con-parison which he was charged with not sult the Constitution and the Act of Settle- having made. ment. Not only at the Revolution did our ancestors refuse to allow Dutch troops to stay in this country, but on the accession of the House of Hanover, there was an Act, the very last year, which had directly in its contemplation the employment of Hanoverian troops. It was against this very description of foe, that our ancestors shewed a constitutional jealousy at the time of passing the Act of Settlement. The Noble Lord then made a statement of the losses of the German corps in the different great actions in the Peninsula, which he thought would give a fair criterion to judge whether they signalized themselves more than British troops. At the battle of Talayera, the German battalions had certainly suffered more loss, upon an average, than the British, but in every other action the balance was the other way. At Barrosa, Ciudad Rodrigo, and Badajos, no Germans were engaged; and at Busaco their loss was very trifling indeed. He then stated the amount of the German loss in the different actions, and compared it with the loss of some British battalions, which was much more severe. This mode of comparison, he allowed, might be considered unfair, if a positive superiority had not been claimed on the part of the Germans. Lord Folkestone concluded with observing, that if the Noble Lord's explamation proved satisfactory to the public, he should be content in the reflection, that no inconsiderable portion of the object he had in view was accomplished.

Lord Palmerston, in explanation, contended, that he had not expressed any contempt of the Act of Settlement. The command was temporary, and was founded on the Article of War, applicable to the German Legion, by which these Officers took precedence. He also saw nothing inconsistent or unconstitutional in the assumption of the command of a district by General Linsingen, as it must have devolved upon him in the absence of Lord Chatham, and was perfectly agreeable to the Article of War to which he had alluded. The Noble Lord appeared to have totally mistaken the nature of the reference to the Gazettes; for

Mr. Whitbread paid a compliment to the generous and liberal sentiments expressed by a gallant General (Stewart) on the eminent services and distinguished bravery of the German troops employed in Spain.→→→ The mutual euthusiasm and unlimited confidence excited in the Officers of the army, by the exploits of others serving with them, ought however to increase, instead of lessening the jealousy with which we ought to guard against the incorporation of foreign troops with our own. This was not a military question, nor one in which we were to appeal to the sentiments of the army. It was a constitutional question, on which the Members of that House were to decide, as the guardians of the rights and civil liberties of the country. What he had risen for, was to direct the attention of the House to a circumstance which had not been noticed, the affectation which so generally and ridiculously prevailed, of imitating the dress of foreign soldiers. From the known pre dilection for this dress in a certain quarter, our troops were so Germanised or Frenchified in their appearance, that the most serious consequences were to be apprehended. In fact, English soldiers had fallen, and English Officers been taken prisoners in consequence of mistaking a corps of French troops for our own, and in the retreat from Salamanca, one of our Officers was near being killed by order of a brother Officer, who supposed him to be French. Notwithstanding the general sense entertained on this subject by the army, either remonstrances had not reached the source from which the remedy must spring, or had been ineffectual, so far had taste prevailed over judgment. Whatever might be our admiration of foreign troops employed with our own, there was surely no need to con found the two services together, each might retain a distinct, uniform, and independent character of its own. He could not abstain from expressing his concern at the conclusion of the speech of an Hon. Gentleman (Mr. Canning,) who after the strongest and most pointed arguments in favour of the propriety of the motion, expressed in lan

affect the interest of British Officers. Per-lished in the course of the summer. There manent rank had the advantage over the was no action in which part of this gallant temporary in the general army promotion. corps was not foremost in every danger. It The Act for the German Legion anthorized did not appear to him that the Noble Lord' the making of the articles of war, one of had laid before the House sufficient grounds which directed that when serving with for the production of papers; but, he' other corps, the senior Officer of either thought it would not be sufficient for the was to command, as was usual in the House barely to reject the motion on this army in general. The Officers of the Le- ground. He thought the House should gion, in regard of rank, had always been not allow itself to be supposed to concur put in brevet as permanent. So far from in the idea of its being illegal and unconthis order enabling them to shoulder Bri- stitutional to employ foreign troops, and tish Officers from their promotion, it gave that it would be well that the new Parliathem in practice no advantage whatever, ment should have its opinion some way either in rank or precedence which they understood of the legality and propriety of had not before enjoyed. It might then continuing the present system of employing naturally be asked, why an order was is- every means of carrying on offensive warsued which in its effect appeared a nullity? fare which presented itself in the present It was because the Commander in Chief circumstances. thought it was but paying a well-deserved compliment to a meritorious body of men, who had signalized themselves not only in one action, but throughout the whole campaign. It was a compliment which he was convinced would be gratifying to the feelings of many of the Officers of that corps, that they should retain, after peace, the military rank and titles which they might acquire by their honourable services in the course of the war. He knew that many had an objection to employing foreign soldiers on constitutional principles. He thought, however, that those who considered the circumstances of the times, as well as the Constitution of the country would not object to their being employed at present. If any man would look at the map of Europe, and see what a portion of its population the enemy had forced into hostility against this country,-if he were also to consider the limited population of these two islands, and the extensive colonies we have to defend, and the navy we have to support, it appeared to him hardly possible that such a man would now adhere to the idea of not employing foreigners in our service. Surely it would not be said, that the individuals now alluded to were objects of censure or distrust. He would beg the House to consider, who were they? They were not adventurers intruding them selves into the service of the country, but they were Germans-the natural subjects of our own Sovereign, who preferred an honourable exile to an ignominious servitude; and who were bound by allegiance to the same Sovereign who rules in this country. As to the value of their services, it would be seen from the perusal of the different Gazettes which were pub

Mr. Ponsonby objected particularly to the last part of the Noble Lord's speech." He hoped that the House would not on the present, or any other occasion, express an opinion on a subject not connected with the motion that was before them. The Noble Lord (Lord Folkestone) had not said a single word about this general question of employing foreigners, nor about the merits of this particular corps; and, therefore, if the House were to give an opinion upon those questions, it would be upon subjects not before them. He was extremely glad that the Noble Lord (Lord Palmerston) had given the explanation he had done; and the matter having been so explained, he now saw nothing illegal or unconstitutional in it. It seemed that the order was only intended as a compliment to the German Legion; but the Noble Lord (Folkestone) had certainly understood the order in the same way that he, and, as he be-' lieved, the public also had understood it. It appeared now, that in the language of the War Office, the word permanent meant temporary. If the Noble Lord (Lord P.) however, had been assured, that on account of his services, the place he held should be a permanent one, he supposed that he would think it hard, if, at the end of the year, or at the conclusion of the war, he should be removed, and told that permanent and temporary meant the same things. If the officers to whom this order applied, were really highly gratified and pleased with it under the explanation now given, he must say, that they must be as disinterested a set of soldiers as ever lived. He was certainly aware that the word permanent could not be strictly applied to any portion of our

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