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whom I know, would have done. There every such man must lay his account with may be others capable of the same exer- being calumniated; he must expect to be tions; and, let us hope, that England does the object of the bitterest and most.percontain some other men able to undergo severing malice; and, unless he has made what he underwent ; but, it falls to the up his mind to the enduring of this, he lot of no country to produce many such had better, at once, quit the field. One men. At any rate, he has proved himself of the weapons which corruption employs to be the man for you; he has done for against her adversaries is calumny, secret you what none of the milk-sop, miawling as well as open. It is truly surprising to orators at Sir Samuel Romilly's meetings see how many waye she has af annapino would have dared even to think of. They her foes, and the artifices to which she talk of freeing the city from the trammels stoops to arrive at her end. No sooner does of corruption; they talk of giving you a man become in any degree formidable to freedom of election; they talk of making a her, than she sets to work against him in stand for your rights. What stand all the relationships of life. In his prohave they made? What have you fession, his trade, his family; amongst his had from them but talk? They saw the friends, the companions of his sports, his enemy within your walls; they saw him neighbours, and his servants. She eyes offer himself for the choice of the people of him all round, she feels him all over, and, Bristol; they saw preparations making for if he has a vulnerable point, if he has a chairing him as your representative on the speck, however small, she is ready with first day of the election; and what did her stab. How many hundreds of men they do to rescue you from the disgrace of have been ruined by her without being seeing him triumph over you, while you hardly able to perceive, much less name, were silent ? Nothing. They did, in the cause; and how many thousands, seefact, sell you to him upon the implied con- ing the fate of these hundreds, have withdition, that he, as far as he was able, drawn from the struggle, or have been should sell his followers to them when the deterred from taking part in it! time came. You have been saved from that Mr. Hunt's separation from his wife disgrace; you have had 14 days of your presented too fair a mark to be for a molives wherein to tell your enemies and the ment overlooked ; but, it required the enemies of your country your minds ; you canting crew, ' with a Mr. Charles 'Elton have had 14 days, during which corruption at their head, to give to this fact that detrembled under your bitter but just re- formity which it has been made to receive. proaches ; you have had 14 days of poli. Gentlemen, I wish to be clearly understood tical instruction and inquiry; you have had here. I do uot think lightly of such matthose who affect to listen to your voice 14 ters. When a man separates from his days before you, and in the hearing of that wife there must always be ground for revoice; there have been, in your city, 14 gret; it is a thing always to be lamented; days of terror to the guilty part of it. and, if the fault, in this case, was on the This is a great deal, and for this you are side of Mr. Hunt, it is a fault, which, indebted to Mr. Hunt and to him alone. even in our admiration of his public conYour own public virtues, your zeal, ac- duct, we ought by no means to endeavour tivity and courage, and your hatred of your to palliate. But, Gentlemen, I do not and country's enemies did, indeed, enable Mr. the public cannot, know what was the real Hunt to make the stand; but, still there cause of the separation of which so much wanted such a man as Mr. Hunt; without has been said. Mr. Hunt has,' upon no such a man the stand could not have been occasion that I have heard of, attempted to made; without such a man you could not justify his conduct, in this respect, by have had an opportunity of giving utterance stating the reasons of the separation; but, to the hatred which you so justly feel I am sure that you are too just to conclude against the supporters of that corruption, from that circumstance, that the fault was the consequences of which you so sorely wholly his. It is impossible for the public feel.
to know the facts of such a case. They That a man, who was giving such an- cannot enter into a man's family affairs. noyance to the corrupt, should pass with The tempers and humours of wives and of out being calumniated was not to be ex-husbands nobody but those wives and huspected. Every inan, who attacks cor- bands know. They are, in many cases, ruption, who makes war upon the vile unknown even to domestic servants and to herd that live upon the people's labour, children ; and, is it not, then, the height
of presumption for the public to pretend to man being, not even his wife, to whisper, any knowledge of the matter?
a word to his disadvantage. " You talk But, be the facts of the case what they “ of mending the constilution,” said an may, I am quite sure, that as a candidate Anti-jacobin to Dr. Jebb when the latter for a seat in parliament, they have nothing was very ill, “mend your own ;" and I to do with the pretensions of Mr. Hunt, have heard it seriously objected to a genany more than they would have had to do tleman that he signed a petition for a rewith his claims to a title for having won form of parliament while thore needed a
l'here is a Mr. reformation amongst his servants, one of Walker, who, I think, is an Attorney at whom had assisted to burden the parish; Bristol, who has written a pamphlet against just as if he had on that account less right Mr. Hunt, in wliich pamphlet he argues ask for a full and fair representation of thus : * Mr. Hunt has, by quitting his wife he people! After this, who need wonder
to live with another woman, broken his if he were told not to talk against rotten plighted vows to his own wife; a man boroughs while he himself had a rotten • who will break his promises in one case tooth, or endeavour to excite a clamour • will break them in another case; and, against corruption when his own flesh was • therefore, as Mr. Hunt has broken his every day liable to be corrupted to the . promises to his wife, he will break his bone ? ' promises to the people of Bristol.' These After this, Gentlemen, I trust that you are not Mr. Walker's words, but you have are not to be cheated by such wretched here his reasoning, and from it you may cant, With Mr. Hunt's family affairs you judge of the shifts to which Mr. Hunt's and I have nothing to do, any more than he adversaries are driven. As well might has with ours. We are to look to his conMr. Walker tell you that you will break duct as a public marr, and, if he serve us any promise that you may make to your in that capacity he is entitled to our gratineighbours, because you have not wholly tude. Suppose, for instance, the plague renounced the Devil and all his works and were in Bristol, and the only physician, all the pomps and vanities of this wicked who had skill and courage to put a stop to world, as you, in your baptism, promised its ravages, was separated from his wife and vowed to do. If Mr. Walker's argu- and living with the wife of another man; ment were a good one, a man who lives in would you refuse his assistance? Would a state of separation from his wife ought to you fling his prescriptions into the kennel? be regarded as a man dead in law; or, Would the canting Messrs. Mills and Elton rather, as a man excommunicated by the and Walker exclaim, “no! we will have Pope. If his promises are good for nothing none of your aid ; we will die rather when made to electors, they are good for “ than be saved by you, who have broken nothing when made to any body else. He “ your marriage vows !" cannot, therefore, be a proper man for any say this ? No; but would crawl to him, body to deal with, or to have any commu- would supplicate him, with tears in nication with; and, in short, he ought to their eyes. And, yet, suffer me to say, be put out of the world, as being a burden Gentlemen, that such a physician in a and a nuisance in it.
plague would not be more necessary in There is something so absurd, so glar- Bristol than such a man as Mr. Hunt now ingly stupid, in this, that it is hardly worth is; and that the family affairs of a member while to attempt a further exposure of it, of parliament is no more a matter of conor I might ask the calumniating crew, who cern with his constituents than are the faaccuse Mr. Hunt of disloyally, whether mily affairs of a physician a matter of conthey are ready to push their reasoning and cern with his patients.
with his patients. When an imtheir rules up to peers and princes, and to portant service had been received from assert that they ought to be put out of either, it would be pleasanter for the bepower if they cease to live with their wives. nefited party to reflect that the party conThey would say, no; and that their doc- ferring the benefit was happy in his family; trine was intended to apply only to those but, if the case were otherwise, to suppose who had the boldness to attack corruption. the benefit less real, or the party conferring The man who does that is to be as pure as it entitled to less gratitude, is something snow ; he is to have no faults at all. He too monstrously absurd to be entertained by is to be a perfect Saint ; nay, he is to be a any
man of common sense. great deal more, for he is to have no hu- The remainder of my subject I must re.
out the ti
serve for another Letter, and in the mean | dious; to make it out as being perfidious, while, I am, Gentlemen, your sincere it must be shewn that its object was to acfriend,
complish something treacherous against us. WM. COBBETT. If I make a proposition to a rebel to desert Botley, July 27, 1812.
his associates, I am not guilty of perfidy; my proposition is not perfidious, though I
am certainly calling upon him to do that SUMMARY OD TOLITICS
which would be perfidious towards those
murorurg * PT FRENCH OBERTURES FOR PEACE /conli- Napoleon is free even from the inputation nued from puge 110).---Since I wrote the of tempting England to do a perfidious act. article here referred to, there has taken Mr. Sheridan says, that we could not agree place a debate in the House of Commons, to leave Joseph in possession of Spain withupon the subject of the French overtures.
grossest perhdy to our allies, and Mr. Sheridan made, on the 21st of July, a
" the most treacherous violation of all our motion for the production of the correspon-":nost solemn engagements.” Now, in dence, relating to that subject, which mo- the first place, supposing this to be true, tion seems to have been made for the pur- was it a reason for our refusing to negociate pose of attacking Napoleon, or, at least, without demanding the giving up of this for that of answering the publications in point as a preliminary? We might have the Moniteur. The debate is of import- negociated, and yet not have yielded this ance in many respects, and especially as point. We might have offered to give up having preity clearly developed what are some of our own immense acquisitions in the votions of the court upon the subject of Asia, Africa, or America, in order to get peace with France, Mr. Sheridan being Joseph out of Spain. But, really, we seem well known to be now merely a courtier, a to have formed the design of taking all and Courtier and nothing else.--I said, in iny giving up nothing. — However, this is nolast; that the proposition of France was thing to the question; for what solemn en. fair and frank, and, the circumstances con- gagements have we, what engagements can sidered, moderate, Mr. Sheridan has de- we have, with Ferdinand, It is for him, scribed it as perfidious, insidious, and in- observe, and not for the people of Spain, sulting. We see with very different eyes, that we are contending in this instance ; for then; and, therefore, let the reader judge Ferdinand and his heirs; and, again I ask, between us. To enable him to judge what treaty, what compact, what engagerightly, he must first have the proposition ment of any sort, we have, or can have, distinctly belore him. It was this : “ that with him? Can our government show his “ the crown of Spain should be guaranteed wawe signed to any document ? Have they
10 Joseph, and Spain governed by a na- ever had any communication with him? " tional constitution of her Cortes, the Is not his father alive; and does not his “ French armies being withdrawn; that father protest against his claim to the " Portugal should be guaranteed to the throne of Spain? In fine, has not he, in “ House of Braganza, our troops being as solemn a manner as he was able, made " withdrawn; that Sicily should be gua- over to Napoleon all his claims to that “ ranteed to the king, and evacuated by throne? And, with all this before us, and 16
us; and that, with respect to other ob. seeing this same Ferdinand living as a sub
jects of discussion, they should be nego-ject in France, shall we contime this war, ? "ciated upon this basis, that each power which is daily sinking hundreds to the poor66 should retain that of which the other had house, on account of engageinents with • not been able to deprive it by war.” Ferdinand ? Shall we call a proposition to
Such, reader, was the overture made treat for peace perfidious, because it conby France; and do you see in it any templates the exclusion of this man from thing perfidious, insidious, or insulting? the ihrone of Spain !-- We are told by It is as plain in its meaning as words can Mr. Sheridan that it was insidious as well piake it. There is no possibility of misun- as perfidious, because it wanted to ensnare derstanding it; and, therefore, it cannot us into the appearance of doing what it with propriety be called per fidious. Mr. never meant we should do. It was as easy Sheridan says it is perfidious, because it in- to assert this as it was to assert any thing vites us to do that which would be a breach else; and as easy to assert any thing else of faith towards our ally; but, if it really as this. When Cardinal Wolsey fell into does thík, 'it canjot for that be called perfi- disgrace, his enemies, not content with charges for which there were grounds, in- / Mr. Sheridan, was really addressed to vented others for which there were none; Russia and not to us; it was not, he says, and, ridiculous as was the charge of the meant for us at all. It was a mere sham Cardinal's having endangered the life of overture. It was a proposition to England the king by whispering in his ear when the nominally for the purpose of having someformer had the venereal disease, it was not thing to show to the Czar, in order to inmore ridiculous than is this charge against duce him to believe that France was ready, the Emperor Napoleon. Where is Mr. if he did not come to her terms, to make Sheridan's hronf. where are his arguments, “ great and many sacrifices to England;" 10 show, that the French wislied us to ap- and yet, this same proposition is, in almost pear to do that which they never meant we the same breath, called too grossly insultshould do? He observes, that Napoleon ing to be entertained for a single moment ! was engaged in a negociation with Russia, Mr. Sheridan, who is what is called and finding her unbending, he sends his an Old Stager, ought to have perceived the proposition to us on the 17th of April ; dilema, which he was framing for himand, on the 25th of the same month, he self in his eagerness to accumulate accusacommunicates it to the Russian government, tions on the head of Napoleon. Either the before he could get our answer, which he proposition was insulting to us, or it was did not send to the Russian government, not : if it was not, it has not been truly and which he did not intend to send described; if it was, then it was not calHence Mr. Sheridan concludes, that the culated to make the Russians believe that proposition to England was a mere trick to France was ready to make sacrifices to us. induce Russia to give way by making her In one of the two respects Mr. Sheridan's believe, that England would certainly ac- assertions cannot be true.- ll it really cept of the proposed terms, and leave was the intention of France to use the proRussia to shift for herself.-----This, in position merely as the means of scaring the part, might be the object as to the time of Russian Czar into her terms, she would, as making the offer to us; but, it could hardly I before observed, have set no bounds to her be the sole object of the proposition; be- liberaliiy towards us, it being as easy to recause, if it had, the proposition would have tract much as little; but, indeed, the whole been such as it would have been impossible of the proposition seems to me to carry in it før even our ministers to reject. Mark, an air of sincerity; and, I am very sure, however, the contradiction here : it is, on that nothing has been advanced by Mr. the one hand, asserted, that the proposition Sheridan, or by any one else, in this dewas a mere trick for the purpose of fright- bate, to prove the contrary. I can see ening Russia ; that it was solely intended for powerful reasons for a desire for peace on the purpose of making her believe, that the part of Napoleon. He has established France was upon the eve of peace with his empire ; he can wish little in the way England; that, in sending a copy of the of territory and nothing in the way of glory proposition to the Russian minister, to give as a soldier. He has now to complete his him “ a list of all the great and many sa• renown by giving peace, and plenty, and “ crifices France was willing to make to in- happiness to his vast dominions. There “ duce England to a peace," the object was are divers circumstances that must now into induce him 10' come to the terms of cline him to peace; and all his acts show, France. This is possible; but, it is strange that he has set his heart upon doing for his indeed, and almost impossible, that the empire that which he cannot do for it in proposition to us should, at the same time, war.-- - He is not, and need not be, afraid be insulting;" for, if it were insulting, of peace. He is not afraid of a depopulahow can any man believe that it was sent to tion of his empire on account of the pressure the Russian minister with a view of terri- of taxation; he is not afraid of any sudden fying him at the prospect of a separate attack on the part of any enemy; he would peace between France and England ? Both not, in peace, be compelled to support imqualities the proposition could not contain: mense establishments. Indeed, I can see it could not be, at one and the same time, many solid reasons for his now wishing for grossly insulling to England, and calculated peace, and very few, if any, for his wishfor the purpose of making Russia believe ing to continue the war; and, not one word that Napoleon was ready to'nake " great was said, during the debate, in the way of " and many sacrifices" lo oblain peace with proof of the contrary. The reasons for England. Either by itself might be true; his having made his overture at this time but both could not. The proposition, says have, as Mr. Sheridan told the House, been slated by himself in these words : we vere ripe for slavery; but it was ims6 Seeing himself thus constrained to aban- possible: He referred to his Honour"don every hope from Russia, his Majesty," able Friend, who had spoke but the lan“ before he should commence this contest guage
of every man in the country, when 66 in which so much blood was to be shed, " he said that he should rather see the em“ felt it to be his duty to address himself “ pire fall in the contest, perish in honour“ to the English Government; the distress “ able ruin-than sink into a miserable 6 felt by England, the agitations to which " existence, after having survived her ho" she is a prey, and the changes which pour by signing - ingrading panre.". “ have taken place in her Government, de- Now, reader, is this an answer to the rea« cided his Majesty to take this course." sons of Napoleon? Do you find any thing
- And what could be more natural ? | here to convince you that the proposition was What could be more reasonable? What insidious? Does Napoleon (supposing the more frank than this statement of reasons ? words to be his) talk about his "beloved. Really men must have their minds most England ?" And, is it not very true, chat monstrously perverted before they look we are suffering very greatly from the war? upon language like this as insidious. What Napoleon does not talk of his sympathy for us ; is the answer of Mr. Sheridan to this ? he does not pretend that he is animated by What does he say to prove that this is false any feeling of that sort towards us; but, and hypocritical? Nothing at all. He he says, and very reasonably says, that he comes out with a set of clap-trap phrases, was in hopes, that our sufferings would such as he has often made use of, but such induce our government to listen to the as are, I am persuaded, not so likely to suc- voice of peace; and, did Mr. Sheridan ceed as formerly. “ So," says he, “ the imagine, that this was to be answered by “ Buonaparte's imperial sympathies for the a poor dull jest?--As to the people of " distress of his beloved England, his con- this country being well aware of the wild “ trite pity for the agitations to which she ambition to which the war and their suf“ was a prey, were the moving impulses ferings on account of it are to be traced, I " that finally swayed his gentle spirit to so believe that the far greater part of the “ licit peace. / A laugh:)--But this was people of England think that they are to be 6 too much-too much even for the cha- traced to the want of a disposition in our “ ritable credulity of his Hon. Friend. own government to treat for peace ; and, “ And so far was he (Mr. Sheridan) from if this be their opinion, I am quite sure, 6 admitting thosc agitations to exist in this that Mr. Sheridan has said nothing to resi country, either to the extent or in the spi- move it. “ Put them,” says he, “
to the “ rit so insidiously implied in the passage alternative of privation or being conquer“ just read, that he believed that if ever "sed.” No, but put to them the alterna" there was a period since the commerce- tive of privalion or a peace on moderate 66 ment he war, in which we might and lerms ; or, at least, a peace on the basis " ought to inake one bold struggle, it was now offered by France. Why put to the " the present; because, however severe the people the other alternative ?' What rea" pressure of the times wight have been son is there for it? Does Napoleon pro"felt, the people of this country were well pose to conquer England; or does he pro
aware of the wild ambition to which they pose the surrender of its independence ? “ were to be traced, and the implacable Does he talk of any such thing? No: but, “ hostility by which that ambition was in- on the contrary, he proposes to treat upon “ furiated.—(Hear, hear!)-Put to them the basis, that all that we have conquered " the alternative of privation or conquest, we shall consider as our own for ever, and, “ and would a second thought stay the in the reader well knows how great have been “ dignant decision of one freeman through our boastings as to those conquests. He "s out the empirc?—(Heur, hear!)-In- says, “ keep all that you have conquered ;" “deed, were it possible for him to regret and Mr. Sheridan construes bim to say to " the repeal thai had lately taken place, us, “ give up England itself to me.” And "he would regret il if it had the effect of then he tells us, that we are ripe for. G'so libelling the national character as to slavery if we can balance between lempo• induce a belief that that repeal had been rary privations and loss of independence. bi conceded, in order to make men willing - This is the sort of statement and of “ to resist a foreign yoke.-( Hear!)-If reasoning (if it be worthy of the name), by " temporary privations were to make us which England has been led on, step by - indifferent to conquest, or independence, step, to her present state. The people