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seamen get on board the American ships ; | A people submitting to this cannot be called they get out to sea ; and, if they cannot be free, and their country cannot be called inseized there, they go off safely to America dependent. Therefore, when the time or to any other part of the world, and are comes for entering on a treaty of peace with thus lost to our navy.

There is no doubt, America, I hope your Royal Highness will Sir, but this might become a very serious resist all advice tending to a pertinacious evil, if not counteracted. But, are the adherence to the exercise of the power of Americans to suffer because (for whatever impressment; for, while that power is exreason) our sailors desert? And, above ercised, we shall, in my opinion, never all, are real American Citizens to be ex- have real peace with America. posed to impressment, to be sent to be shot The other point in dispute, namely, the at, to be conveyed to the West or East In- possession of the Floridas, or, at least, dies, to be made to end their days under that part of them which belongs to Spain, the discipline of an English man of war; is of inferior importance; but, I am of are real American citizens to be exposed to opinion, that that point will not be easily all this because British seamen desert, and overcome, unless we are prepared to give because that desertion (a very serious crime) it up. America sees the possibility of Old may become extremely dangerous to us? Spain becoming a mere puppet in the hands I am sure your Royal Highness is too just of England, and she sees the almost certo answer this question in the affirmative. tainty of its becoming a dependent upon

The case must be new, because the rela- either England or France ; and, she wants tive situation of the two countries is a no- neither France nor England for so near a velty in the history of nations ; but, while neighbour. She has, in the adventures of we have an undoubted right to recover our Caplain Henry, seen the danger of having own seamen, if we can do it without vio- a neighbour on her Northern flank; and, lating the rights of other nations, we can the Floridas are not divided from her by have no right, in any case, to seize Ameri- immense deserts and lakes as Canada is, can Citizens. America says, “I do not while the Floridas were held by the sleepy ' want your seamen. I would rather not old government of Spain, America saw have them. Keep them by what means little danger ; but, she will not, I am you please. Take them wherever you convinced, suffer either England or France can find them in my ships; but, before to be mistress of those provinces, you do it, produce proof of their being This is a point, therefore, which, in yours, and that, too, before a compelent my opinion, we should be forward in givtribunal. Nothing can be fairer than ing up, and not get into a war with Amethis; but this necessarily sets aside all im- rica for the sake of Ferdinand, as we are pressments at sea, where there can be no continuing the war with France for his proof given, because there can be no tribu- sake. The revolutions going on in South nal, or umpire, to decide upon the proof; America it is the interest of the United and we contend, that, without the power of States to encourage and assist to the utinost impressing at sea, our navy would be of their power ; and, I should advise your greatly injured by desertion, and our Royal Highness to show an earnest desire strength thereby materially weakened. to avoid interference therein; for if, 'upon

This is the point upon which we are at the ground of supporting the authority of issue with America. Supposing the Orders Ferdinand, or, upon any other ground, in Council to remain repealed, and the you show a disposition to take part against Dispute as to that matter to be settled, this the republicans of South America, that is the point upon which, if not settled ami alone will be sufficient greatly to retard, if cably, we shall have war with the Ameri- not wholly defeat, all attempts at an accan States. It is the point upon which the commodation with America. Nay, Sir, people of America, who are something, are to speak freely my sentiments, I do not more sore; and I am convinced that it is a expect peace with America while we have point which they will not give up. They an army in Spain, or, at least, while there say, and they truly say, that it is a mockery is the smallest chance of our obtaining a for them to talk of their freedom and their settled ascendency in that kingdom; and I independence, if the very bodies of their really think, that every mile of progress citizens are liable to be taken upon the high that we are making there puts peace with seas and forced into the service of a foreign America at a greater distance. We, in sovereign, there to be treated according to this country, or, the greater part of us, see the rules and regulations of that sovereign. no danger in the increase of any power,

except the power of Napoleon, whose ter-| that I do not know of any pretension that ritories half envelop our coast, and whose America has put forward, in which I do armies are but at the distance of a few not believe she will persevere, to do which hours' sail. Not so the Americans. They the conduct of your Royal Highness's misee danger in the increase of our power, nisters is eminently calculated to give her ours being that sort of power by which they encouragement. are most annoyed. If they had their As to support from the people of Engchoice between us and France for a neigh- land in a war against America, your Royal bour in South America, they would not Highness will certainly have it, if the hesitate a moinent in preferring France ; grounds of the war be clearly just; but, because her power is not of that sort which it would be very difficult for your ministers would be formidable to America. What to make the people perceive, or believe, she would wish, however, is to see South that the impressment of American seamen, America independent of Old Spain, and, any where, and especially in the very ships of course, of the masters of Old Spain ; of America, was necessary “ to the honour and she is not so bliud as not to perceive," of His Majesty's Crown, and involved that the contest in Old Spain now is, who “ the best interests of his dominions." shall have it under her control, England The people have now seen all the preor France.

dictions of the hireling prints, with regard For these reasons every victory that we to America, falsified; they have been told, gain in Spain will be an additional obstacle that America could not support herself for to peace with America, unless we set out a year without England, and they have by a frank and clear declaration, leaving seen her do it for a year and a half, and at South America to itself and the Floridas to the end of that time declare war. They the United States.

are not now to be persuaded that this goBefore I conclude, I beg leave to notice vernment can do what it pleases with that part of the Speech, recently delivered America. by your Royal Highness's order to the two It has been stated, with an air of triHouses of Parliament, wherein mention is umph, by the partisans of your ministers, made of the dispute with America. The that the Opposilion are pledged to support part 1 allude to is this : " His Royal a war against America, unless she is satis66. Highness has commanded us to assure fied with the repeal of the Orders in Coun.

you, that he views with most sincere cil. But, the people, Sir, have given no regret, the hostile ineasures which have such pledge; the manufacturers have given

been recently adopted by the Govern no such pledge ; and, the war will not be 6 ment of the United States of America a jot the more popular on account of its “ towards this country. His Royal High-having the support of that set of men who « ness is nevertheless willing to hope, that are called the opposition, and for whom e the accustomed relations of peace and the people have no respect any more than 6 amity between the two countries may yet they have for their opponents. The Or* be restored; but if his expectations in ders in Council were a grievance to Ame" this respect should be disappointed, by rica, but not a greater grievance than the « the conduct of the Government of the imprisonment and captivity of her citi* United States, or by their perseverance zens; not a greater grievance than to as in any unwarrantable prelensions, he see her citizens dragged by force into a “ will most fully rely on the support of service which they abhor, on so many ac

every class of His Majesty's subjects, in counts, however pleasant and honourable it

a contest in which the Honour of His may be to our own countrymen. This griev“ Majesty's Crown, and the best interests ance was known to exist; and, therefore, 6 of his dominions, must be involved." if the Opposition have given a pledge to : This part of the Speech has been thought, support a war against America, unless she and with reason, to augur war; for, I am be satisfied with the repeal of the Orders not aware of any pretension" of America in Council alone, they have given a pledge that she will not " persevere” in. If pre- to do that in which they will not have the tensions to be put forward, to be now ori- support of the people. ginated, had been spoken of, there might I am one of those, Sir, who do not rehave been more room for doubt; but, in gard a great extension of trade as a benefit; speaking of pretensions to be persevered in, but, those who do must lay their accouut the speech necessarily refers to pretensions with seeing much of our trade destroyed already put forward ; and, I repeat, Sir, for ever by a war with America. Three

or four years of war would compel her to war will be hereafter more fully dwelt become a manufacturing country to such an upon, but I cannot refrain from noticing extent as never more to stand in need of here, that the first effect of it appears to English goods ; so that, if your Royal have been the rescuing of Poland from a Highness's ministers do insist upon exer- foreign yoke. This is what we did not excising the power of seizing people on board pect to see in our day; but, we have seen of American ships at sea, those persons many things that were unexpected; and who manufacture goods for America must we have many more yet to see. The moseek another market, for that is closed live of Napoleon in doing this good act against them for ever.

may be questioned. By me it shall not, as For many years, Sir, there has existed I do not care a straw for his motive. The in this country, a faction perfectly despe- Polanders are likely to become free. The rate in their HATRED OF FREEDOM. cause of it I care very little about. -Our They not only hate all free nations, but hired news papers are taking infinite pains they hate the very sound of the word free to make their readers believe, that the don. I am well satished that persons of campaign is going on exceedingly well; this description would gladly hear of the that the Russians are doing just what they murder of every soul in America. There intended to do; and that the French are is nothing that they hate so much as a man falling into a trap. So they told us in who is not a slave, and who lives out of the wars which ended at Auslerlilz, Wugram, reach of arbitrary power. These persons Tilsit, and Berlin. Napoleon was, in all will be sorely grieved to see peace preserv- these cases, going on into a trap; and so, ed between the two countries on terins ho- it seems, he is now.- -The Russians have, nourable to America ; but, I am, for my we are told, resolved to act upon the “ depart, ready to confess, that with me it will fensive ;” and, in pursuance of this resobe a subject of joy; I am ready to declare, Tution, they have already retreated before that I see less reason than ever for an Eng. the French for nearly 200 miles, leaving lishman's wishing to see the people of not only the towns and the whole country America humbled or borne down; and to their pursuers, but also vast magazines that it will grieve me exceedingly to reflect of warlike stores and provisions. And this that England is taxed, and that English is called acting upon the defensive! Now blood is shed, for the purpose of enforcing suppose that Napoleon were to land at the power to impress American seamen; Southampton, with a view of marching to but this mortification I shall, I trust, be London by the way of Basingstoke, and spared by the humanity and wisdom of your that our ariny stationed at Winchester were Royal Highness.

to make off a few hours before his arrival, I am, &c. &c.

and get to Basingstoke before hin, and WM. COBBETT. thence to make off again at his approach, Bolley, Tuesday,

and so on, should we call this acting upou 4th August, 1812.

the defensive? What a set of impudent ruffians are the conductors of the English

hired press! And what a shame is it to SUMMARY OF POLITICS.

the nation, that these ruffians should find NORTHERN WAR.--The war now go- readers : The Russians, according to their ing on in the North of Europe has, to a own account, have run away at the apgreat degree, eclipsed the war in the South, proach of the French nearly 200 miles; and for this reason, that it must be pretty they have left every thing in the hands of evident, that, if Napoleon be successful in the enemy; they have not stopped to look the former, he will finally be successful in him in the face ; Napoleon pursues them the latter. The grounds of the war in as a hound pursues a hare; aud yet these the North are to be seen in the correspond- English hirelings have the audacity to tell ence between the French and Russian mi- the people of England, that the Russians nisters, already inserted in the Register. are doing just what they ought to do, just The sole cause is, in fact, a refusal on the what they intended to do, and that, while part of the Czar to shut English commerce they are surrendering a whole kingdom inout of his dominions, which English com to the hands of the French without firing a merce the Emperor of France is resolved shot, they are acting upon the defensive ! shall be shut out of every spot to which his To defend a country means to keep an enemy influence extends, as long as he is at war out of it; to act upon the defensive, means with England. The progress of this to defend merely, and not 10 sally out to

ollack; but, to all the other perversions of | " offers of settlement in the Russian terriThe meaning of words, to Bank restriction, " Lories?'' Poor soul! What he means and to all the other inventions in this way, by the fallen state of the public mind" it required the atrocious impudence of our is that state which indicates a resistance to hired writers to apply the epithet defensive the insolence and oppression of despots. to the act of running away. If I were to And who is this Count Bellegarde ? Why, employ a dozen of men to defend my house, a general whom the French beat to a mumand they upon the approach of the expect- my. The French would, I dare say, be ed assailant, were to leave the house to very glad to get rid of the whole of the defend itself, should I pay them for what Austrian Officers. They have sergeants they had done? Should I commend them ? and corporals enough of their own to put in Should I say that they had fulfilled my their stead. But the most impudent part intentions ? No; and io tell the people of of this paragraph relates to the Austrian England, that the Russians are now doing soldiers, who are represented as having what they intended to do is certainly a peculiar cause of discontent against the mark of such insolence as has seldom been French, when, as all the world knows, a equalled. However, in the end, it will French soldier is a gentleman compared to answer no purpose. Events will tell the in Austrian soldier. No, no! Liberal truth. Facis, in the end, speak for them- offers of settlement in the Russian territo. selves; and they now tell us to mistrust ries would do nothing. The French army all that these hired literary ruffians say; knows that it can make settlements for it for, while these are endeavouring to make self; and besides, how the hypocrite peeps us believe, that. Napoleon is hated in out here! This same writer was telling France, and that the people long to put us just before, that the Russians were doing him down, we see him leave the country just what they intended to do; that the for months together, and place himself at French were going on into a trap; and, of the head of an army 600 miles distant from course, the more there were of them the his capital. This fact alone is an answer better.

But, now,

behold! he has a to all that we have been told of his unpo- scheme for seducing the French army

from pularity. To me it appears, that he their commander ! will not be long in settling affairs in the Norih. I do not believe one single word Sir FRANCIS BUedetT'S ADDRESS.-of what the hirelings tell us of the zeal of I subjoin this Address together with the the people against him. On the contrary Speech by which it was preceded, as I I see the people of Poland rising for him, find them in the news-papers. There will calling for blessings on him for having re a time offer for remarking on them in fustored them to liberty. The wiseacre of ture; in the meanwhile the public will the Times news-paper has the following observe, that they have passed uncontraobservations, under date of the 4th in- dicted by any one in the House, and, as

stant : “ In the fallen stale of the public far as I have observed, out of the House. The 1,66 mind on the Continent, it is gratifying to speech (imperfect as the report must ne

6o find some exceptions among the men cessarily be) contains some very curious 5. whose feeling is the most important at statements as to the amount of pensions and

" this time. We have been already told sinecures, and the savings that might be ." of the strong disgust of the Prussian made in the public expenditure. troops, and some of the more distin

WM. COBBETT. “ guished of the Prussian Generals, on Botley, 5th August, 1812. 6 their junction with the French service. .“ We are now informed, that General " Count Bellegarde, a celebrated Austrian " Officer, and others of his countrymen,

SIR FRANCIS BURDETT's " have refused to take commands in the Speech and Address, spoken and moved in " Austrian auxiliary force. If this be the House of Commons, on Tuesday, 28th "true; and our accounts give it implicit July, 1812, according to the Report, 46 credit ; what must be the sentiments in given in the Morning Chronicle of the " those lower ranks of the Austrian army, 29th of July. ss which feel the injury more keenly, as Sir F. Burdett, in consequence of his " they are not allowed to express it? and notice upon this subject, rose, and observ. " whát a diminution of the French force ed that since public grievances required *t might not be effected by some liberal public remedies, and since those grievances

never prevailed to a greater extent than at the prisoner to challenge was restricted, the present moment, he felt it his duty, but the right of the Attorney General was even at this late period of the Session, to unlimited; this abuse was the corruption state his opinion, and to endeavour to per- of justice at its very source, and, if not resuade the Prince Regent to apply the only strained, would in time destroy what had remedy that could afford permanent and been of late years vainly called the palaeffectual relief. Although the probability dium of British liberty. The intervention of success in the conflict on the Peninsula of the Master of the Crown Office further might be greater than in the commence- aggravated the evil.- The House and the ment of the campaign, he could not help country had been lately threatened with thinking that the Country was surrounded some violent exertion to support the laby more imminent dangers, foreign and bouring finances. Such a measure was, domestic, than had threatened it at any after the experience of former extortions former period.

It would be utterly im- and exactions, indeed formidable. The possible for him to do more than to give a Honourable Baronet would recommend, that slight and imperfect sketch of the actual the exertions made should not be to raise state of our affairs, which menaced exten- but to save money; exertions of economy, sive disaffection and the most aggravated and not of taxation. He recollected three calamities by which a nation could be af. former great exertions of a similar kind to flicted. The dangers were of various that lately alluded to: the first was the kinds ; but among the most alarming were imposition of the Income Tax; the second the inroads that had of late years been the increase of it to 10 per cent, and the made upon the Constitution, and which third the levy of the War Taxes. What bad actually so incorporated themselves fresh attempts were to be inade by the with it, that to a superficial observer the Chancellor of the Exchequer it was not one appeared even to form a part of the easy to imagine. An examination of the other. The invasions of the Common Law Report of the Committee of Finance for had been frequent, and the most dangerous 1810, would satisfy every unprejudiced symptom was the hostile manner in which mind that the most vigorous exertions of the Judges construed that law to the detri- economy were necessary, and would be ment of the subject. The danger was pe effectual. · He did not indulge the vain culiarly great where the Liberty of the hope of convincing the holders of sinecures Press was concerned ; and it was increased that they ought to be abolished, but he by that usurpation of power by the Attorney believed that he could astonish some of them, General, by Ex-officio Informations, where when he told them that for Scotland and by an innocent man was placed in a situ- Ireland only they amounted to £.392,361. ation of peril, unauthorized by the Con- The Repori alluded to likewise disclosed stitution. In matters of lesser importance, many other important particulars. Under this assumption had been tolerated on the the most comprehensive title of “ Commaxim De minimis non curat lex; but it pensation for loss of office, on account of had been raised to a height even in the time the Union, or any other causes before or of Sir W. Blackstone, which alarmed that since that event" was embraced, no less a "Learned Judge, who maintained that Ex- sum than £.100,083, including a charge officio Informations were not legal, except that seemed most curiously forced in, of ing in cases where immediate interposition 2.2,000 a year to the Prince of Mecklingwas necessary, to prevent further danger burg Strelitz. . In England, the charges by delay. It had now been carried to an for sinecures on the Post-office, Excise, extent which disgusted every man of com- Consolidated Fund, &c., was no less than · mon understanding. Not contented with £.459,510, and all the salaries paid for the authority already conferred, the Legis- the discharge of no duties, ascended to the lature had recently passed an Act, allowing enormous sum of £.952,684.

The exthe Attorney General the additional power penses attending the American, Dutch, and of holding to bail. In prosecutions by the French Loyalists, the Prince . Regent of Crown it now appeared that the Attorney Portugal, the Prince of Orange, the EmGeneral was entirely master of the Court, peror of Austria, (the ally of our deadly and for the first time in any proceeding for enemy,) and other Foreigners, exclusive an offence less than high treason, in the of their great military emoluments, formed case of the unfortunate Bellingham, the a charge of £:2,143,590, not including Crown had challenged no less than eight the sum improperly granted to the Duke of out of twelve jurors; by law the right of York in 1801, which had not been re

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