Stormont, said; indeed we are "a most him as their deliverer, instead of rising "thinking people !". To those, how-upon him as an hostile tyrant.—In the ever, who are not of this very thinking description, I would beg leave to make an observation or two that may tend to make them see the situation of Russia as it really is.--Russia has been invaded by the Emperor Napoleon, who has driven her armies before him from fortress to fortress, who has set free a whole kingdom of her subjects, who has made a progress towards her capital such as was never made by any other commander in a similar space of time, and who (as will be seen by the documents I now insert) has received the benedictions of the people whom he has first conquered and then set free, or, in other words, whom he has withdrawn from the power of Russia. -Now, reader, are there here marks of his having been defeated? Are there here any of the signs of a baffled project? And, I would ask the Morning Chronicle, whether there are here any signs of Napoleon being "a tyrant," as that print is (for reasons best known to the editor) continually calling him? We have usually seen that an invading army, if not successful in the end, has been soon met and driven back. When the Duke of Brunswick invaded France, we saw the gallant people rise and beat and drive him out, as we should, I hope, see the people of England do to an invader. When the Duke of York invaded Holland, we saw what I need not, or, at least, what I do not choose, to describe; but, at any rate, we saw the affair end by the famous Convention of the Helder. When Napoleon invaded Italy, the people did not drive him out. He remained in the country, or, at least, his armies did, till he had conquered Italy, and had placed a king upon the throne of one part of it, and had made himself king of the other part. When the French republicans invaded Holland, they remained there; they drove out the Stadtholder and his race, and made the country their own. These are instances of unsuccessful, and of successful, invasion; and, I must confess, that, at present, the invasion of Russia appears to me to resemble that of Italy under Napoleon rather than that of Holland under the Duke of York. In short, I see the Czar hastening to his capital, instead of remaining at the head of his army to face Napoleon, and I see the latter still getting on nearer and nearer to Moscow, marching through a country, which, as far as he has hitherto gone, appears to be inhabited by people ready to receive meanwhile, however, it is not certain, that he will succeed in his views against Russia. He himself is not certain of it. Though he has gained greater victories, and several of them, since he left Paris, than we have gained in Spain; though he has done as much in one month as all our armies and Generals have been able to do in twenty years, still he is not sure of final success; and, therefore, this is, I repeat it, the time to offer him terms of peace; and, indeed, if this be not now done, it will be in vain for any one to contend, that peace can ever be made, without the extermination of Napoleon, or of our system of rule. DEATH OF NAPOLEON. The hired news-writers in London have, for about the fiftieth time, spread a report of the Death of Napoleon; and, though some of them have stated their doubts of the fact, they have all spoken of it as of an event most ardently to be desired. In short, they have shown, that his death would be to them a subject of joy as great as that of the death of Perceval was to the people of Nottingham, Sheffield, Leicester, Westminster, Truro, &c. &c., who expressed their joy by signs the most unequivocal, and in whose joy I myself most cordially participated. And why? Why did so many people in England rejoice at Perceval's death? For the same reason, to be sure, that many would rejoice to hear of the death of Napoleon; namely, because they would regard it as a good thing for the country. Perceval's death we owe, in all probability, the repeal of the Orders in Council; the abandonment of the Marylebone barracks; and some other measures very much to the advantage of the country. The people of Nottingham and elsewhere felt that these benefits were likely to result from his death, and, therefore, they rejoiced, and not from the bloody-mindedness, which the hirelings in London had the baseness to ascribe to them and to the whole of the working classes in England. Το Since that time these very writers, in speaking of American affairs, have observed, that when the news of Mr. Perceval's death should arrive, they expected the American government to put a stop to ils warlike proceedings. Here they confessed that they themselves expected that death to produce a most beneficial effect for the country; they not only thought this, but they said it; and yet had they the impu But think not, France, we wish to see restor❜d, Thy trembling vassal, and thy feudal lord, dence and the baseness to ascribe the joy | There is a Rev. C. COTTON, who, as the of the people of Nottingham to a bloody-news-papers inform us, has written a poem minded disposition.—I was glad to hear to persuade the French not to fight under of the death of Perceval, because I thought Napoleon any longer. The Morning Chroit would tend to the good, to the safety, nicle quotes the following verses of this the honour, the happiness, the freedom, poem, and says, that it perfectly agrees of my country. I neither killed him nor in the sentiment. abetted any one in killing him, nor did I do any thing to rescue the man who had killed him. I took the event as it came, and believing most sincerely, being thoroughly convinced, that it would produce good to England, I rejoiced at it. When I can be convinced that the death of Napoleon will be good for England; when I can be made clearly to see how his death will tend to the honour, the happiness, the freedom of Englishmen, I shall stand prepared to rejoice at his death. At present there is no such conviction in my mind; and, therefore, his death does not appear to me to be a thing to wish for or rejoice at; and I believe, that hundreds of thousands of those, who are so anxious to hear of his death, have never duly considered, nor, indeed, at all considered, the effects which it would probably produce with regard to England.- -There are some persons, and, indeed, the greater number, who wish for his death, who desire to see the Bourbons restored and all the old despotism re-established in France. These persons would, of course, wish to see the whole of Europe and of the world in the most wretched slavery, and, therefore, they could have no objection to its coming here; but, there are others who wish for the death of Napoleon, who do not wish to see England as well as the rest of the world in chains; and, it is for these persons to consider what might possibly be the effect of the sudden death of this powerful man, whose existence prevents any attempt to revive the old despotisms of Europe. He has, upon the Continent, crushed all the ecclesiastical tyranny, except in Russia and Spain; and, will any man, and especially any Englishman, say that he would like to see that tyranny revived? Lord Sheffield, in his report to the Wool-farmers, says that this country suffers in its competition with neighbouring countries on account of our lands being tithed. His Lordship must allude to France; and, therefore, he, at least, who is a very loyal man, can hardly wish to see tithes restored in France; unless, indeed, he can be supposed to be actuated by a spirit similar to that of the jockey who lamed his neighbour's horse to bring it down to a level with his own. What "sentiment" here is that the Morn- 6 'most every article of use to the life of man. You would not restore any thing 'grinding, and would merely give us your Excise and Custom-House laws, which, · however, have provided the punishments 'of forfeiture, fine, imprisonment, and death, for different degrees of offence in * smuggling.—And, Rev. Sir, you would not give us the "torturing wheel;" but 'would, doubtless, content yourself with ' hanging us by the neck, cutting us down 'before we were dead, ripping out our 'bowels before our faces, chopping off our heads, cutting us into four quarters, and "placing those quarters at the disposal of the king that you would put over us, agreeably to the sentence lately passed ' and executed upon some of your countrymen, who, strange as it may seem, had, at the Isle of France, voluntarily "quitted the service of your king for that ' of this very Napoleon whom you describe as such a terrible tyrant; or, perhaps, ' in minor cases, you would give us that which Sir Francis Burdett has said so much about. These are what you would give us,are they? Thank you, Rev. Sir; we will take "the will for the deed.— -In place of Letters ' of Cachet and a Bastile, you would, I < suppose, give us occasional suspensions of the Habeas Corpus Act and Solitary "Imprisonment. Thank you again, Rev. Sir.But, Rev. Sir, there are two things, and those of great importance, and such too as you might have been expected to have uppermost in your mind, which you have wholly omitted; I mean "the GAME LAWS and THE TITHES. It is surprising, that, when you were telling us of what you did not wish to restore, you should have left out of your list these two grievances, which were more powerful than all the others put ⚫ together in producing our revolution, and ' rather than see which restored, Frenchmen would perish to the last. Now we know and feel, that no man in France can be prevented from killing game upon 'his own land or upon the land of any other man by that other man's consent. "We know, that, in France, to be able to kill, or possess, game requires no qua❝lification of any sort; and, we also know, that no man's crop is liable to a deduc❝tion of a tenth part. Why did you not, • Rev. Sir, assure us that you would not re'store tithes? Why did you not give us this assurance, of more importance to us ⚫ than ever, because so many of us are now become proprietors of the soil? I'll tell 6 6 you why, Rev. C. Cotton; I'll tell you why you did not give us this assurance; it was because it would have let the peo'ple, the "most thinking people," of England into the secret, that we have no tithes to pay, while they have; that we have, by our revolution, got rid of tithes; and this is a secret that you did not wish to communicate to that thinking people, "that "most thinking people."This one article, Rev. Sir, might have solved your question : "WHAT ARE 'FRENCHMEN FIGHTING FOR?" They are fighting because they would not be restored to their former state. 'They are not fighting for " a Corsican;" they are not fighting for "an usurper ;” they are not fighting for " an upstart ;" they are fighting for no game laws, no tithes, no gabelle, no corvée, no feudal, ecclesiastical or regal tyranny; and though they submit to the cominands of one of themselves placed at their head, they feel that all that nine-tenths of them possess is held by the same tenure that he holds his authority.' This answer would, I imagine, puzzle the Rev. C. Cotton a little. But, indeed, I question whether he knows any thing at all of the state of France. He, perhaps, has taken up his notions wholly from the hired newspapers, which have been constantly in the habit of publishing false accounts of the state of that country, and which, upon this subject, have promulgated his till their editors, probably, believe them to be true. The Rev. Poet seems to be as much out in his geography as in his political views; and, to be sure, it must make Frenchmen laugh to see an Englishman pitying them on account of the fickleness of the climate of their country; but, even this is not quite so absurd as an attempt to persuade a whole nation of proprietors of land, that it is beller for them to have a tenth part of their crop taken from them than to retain the whole crop. In a parson one might have excused an assertion that it was as good; but an attempt to make them believe that it was belter was too much to go down, -There is one view of the subject, I mean of the consequences of the death of Napoleon, that the friends of our system never seem to take. They always appear to suppose, that, if he were to die, or be killed, there would be a great change, and I think there can be no doubt of that; but then, they rush on to a further conclusion, and take it for granted, that that change would be in favour of the restoration of the And yet, I dare say, that Mr. George Chalmers would undertake to set up an affected horse-laugh at any one who should say, that the paper was depreciated! Here is a clear depreciation of more than 30 per centum. Nobody but Mr. Chalmers or somebody in pay will deny this. And this is the grand object to keep one's eye upon. At this rate about 65 or 66 LIGHT guineas are worth a hundred pounds in Bank of England paper. Nay, though there is a law against selling full-weight guineas for Bank of England paper, there is no law against selling them for country bank paper; so that people may, and they do, sell them daily and hourly, and the last stragglers are now going out of the country. old government, in which, I think, they are deceived. The first consequence of the death of Napoleon would, in all human probability, be a state bordering upon anarchy; but, the republic would revive. The republicans would again bear sway; and, if we had good memories, we should be very well assured, that much was not to be gotten by the change. If our stomach for fight did not get the better of our recollection, we should not be exceedingly glad to see a new race of Jourdains and Pichegrus and Brunes come forth against us. The people of Europe would see such a change with feelings that I need not describe; and their sovereigus would, in my opinion, have more ground for apprehension than they now have. Therefore, -I have 64 guineas; I want to sell it appears to me possible, to say the least them; I sell them for £100. in country of it, that the death of Napoleon is what bank notes. That done I go to the country no high-flying royalist ought to wish for; bank and make them change their notes or, at least, that, if he should hear of into London Bank notes; and thus is my that death, he ought to moderate his joy. operation as complete as if I had sold them I have, however, I must confess, at once for Bank of England Notes.—I another principle according to which I know, that there are people who laugh at judge of the good or evil of Napoleon's this, and say that all will come about again. death. I see all the hireling news-writers That it certainly will; but, it must all unexpressing their anxiety to hear of his dergo the proper process. Things are not death; I perceive that his death is wished restored without a process. The paper is for by all those whom I know to be the going down. It must go lower yet; and, country's worst enemies; by all those who afterwards, things will, in one shape or hate every thing like freedom in the coun- another, take a new turn.I know of a try, by all the sons and all the daughters REMEDY. I have said so before. But, of corruption. And, as I cannot refrain I will not tell the remedy. I have as much from believing, that they wish him dead right to keep my secret to myself as any because they think that his death will be other possessor of valuable secrets. I would good for them, and, as I am convinced rather tell it to Mr. Vansittart than to such that whatever is for their good must be in- a man as Perceval; but, I will not tell it jurious to the country, I conclude that the yet. When the pinch comes I will make death of Napoleon would be injurious to it known.- -Suffice it, for the present, England, and, thereupon, I make up my to say, that I have never yet seen my remind to wish that he may live.I know medy so much as hinted at in print. My that I shall be abused for this; but I com- remedy is a strong one; but, if ever apfort myself with the reflection, that to re-plied, it will be efficacious, I'll warrant vile is not to refule. I have given my it. Whenever the proper time comes, I opinion very frankly, and shall not be will make a fair bargain with the public: offended with any one who may differ from no cure, no pay. But, perhaps, it may me. I do not wish for the death of Na- be thought "base lucre" in me to sell my poleon. That I say distinctly. remedy. Very well, then, shall I say, I'll keep my remedy to myself, and keep you your disease. You cannot get my remedy out of me, if you were to rip me up. PAPER AGAINST GOLD. The rise in the price of bullion has created some little alarm; but, the time is not yet come. The war in the Peninsula, and a few more subsidies; these will settle the matter in due course. The Gold is now sold at Five pounds and five shillings an ounce, and the Silver at Six shillings and eight pence an ounce. The real value of the former is £3. 17s. 101d. and of the latter 5$. 2d. Difcounts. People may laugh at these pretensions of mine; but they will, if we live but a little longer, see that these pretensions have some foundation. I say I could tell the ministers how to cure the depreciation; I say I could tell them how to set all to rights again. I say I will not tell them how to do it; and if they laugh at me, I' HAL can laugh at them. Let them go on with war and subsidies, and they will soon come to my shop I warrant them. Others have written upon this subject, and many have well written; but the first man to say, in print, in England, that Bank Notes were depreciated, was Wм. COBBETT. Bolley, 9th September, 1812. PUBLIC PAPERS. AMERICAN STATES.-Instructions for the Privateer Armed Vessels of the United Slates. 1. The tenour of your commission, under the Act of Congress, entitled, "An Act concerning Letters of Marque, Prizes, and Prize Goods," a copy of which is hereto annexed, will be constantly in your view. The high seas referred to in your Commission, you will understand generally to extend to low water mark, but with the exception of the space, neither one league nor three miles from the shore of countries at peace both with Great Britain and the United States; you may, nevertheless, execute your commission, rather than detain the shore of a nation at war with Great Britain, and even on the waters within the jurisdiction of such nation, if permitted so to do. 2. You are to pay the strictest regard to the rights of neutral powers, and usages of civilized nations; and in all your proceedings towards neutral vessels, you are to give them as little molestation or interruption, as will consist with the right of ascertaining their neutral character, and of detaining and bringing them under regular adjudication, in proper cases. You are particularly to avoid even the appearance of using force or seduction, with a view to deprive such vessels of their crews and of their passengers, other than persons in the military service of their country.- -3. Towards every vessel, and their crews, you are to proceed in exercising the rights of war with all the justice and humanity which characterizes the nation of which you are a member.—4. The Master, and one or more of the principal persons belonging to a captured vessel, are to be sent, soon after the capture, to the Judge or Judges of the proper Courts of the United States, to be examined on oath touching the interests or property of the captured vessel and her lading; and, at the same time, are to be delivered to the Judge, or Judges, all passes, charter-party, bills of loading, invoices, letters, and other documents and writings, found on board; the said papers to be pro vided by the affidavit of the Commander of the captured vessel, or some of the persons present at the capture, to be produced as they are received, without fraud, addition, subduction, or embezzlement. By the command of the President of the United States, JAMES MONROE, Secretary of State. An Act to prohibit American Vessels from proceeding to or trading with the Enemies of the United States, and for other purposes. Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America, in Congress assembled, That no ship or vessel, owned in whole or in part by a citizen or citizens of the United States, shall be permitted to clear out or depart from any port or place within the limits of the United States, or territories thereof, to any foreign port or place, till the owner, agent, factor, freighter, master, or commander shall have given bond, with sufficient security, in the amount of such ship or vessel, and cargo, not to proceed to or trade with the enemies of the United States. And if any ship or vessel, owned as afores said, shall depart from any port or place within the limits of the United States, or territories thereof, for any foreign port or place, without giving bond with security aforesaid, such ship or vessel, and cargo, shall be forfeited to the use of the United States; and the owner or owners, freighter, factor, or agent, master, or commander, shall severally forfeit and pay a sum equal to the value of such ship or vessel, and cargo; and the said master or commander, if privy thereto, and being thereof convicted, shall be liable to a fine not exceeding one thousand dollars, and imprisoned for a term not exceeding twelve months, in the discretion of the Court. -Sect. 2. And be it further enacted, That if any citizen or citizens of the United States, or person inhabiting the same, shall transport or attempt to transport, overland or otherwise, in any waggon, cart, sleigh, boat, or otherwise, naval or military stores, arms, or the munitions of war, or any article of provision, from any place of the United States, to any place in Upper or Lower Canada, Nova Scotia, or New Brunswick, the waggon, cart, sleigh, boat, or the thing by which the said naval or military stores, |