that this was a flogged nation. The honourable baronet then descanted at some length on the impolicy as well as the cruelty of this punishment, and quoted the opinions of military men against the system. Degraded as the country was, his exertions should never be wanted in its behalf. He then touched upon the liberty of the press; and said there was no fairer barometer of the intentions of government, than their conduct towards the press. The first efforts of despots were in variably directed against this bulwark of the constitution: and the intentions of the present ministers might be collected from the unprecedented number of informations which their attorney-general had filed ex officio. It was plain proof of their illegality, that such informations were not defined; for definition was law. The partiality of the attorney-general was manifested in his different conduct to different publishers: some were not brought up for judgement at all; while

which generated justice and humanity, and which was only to be attained by an equal administration of justice, and never by that system of extraordinary punishment, which was in itself sufficient to barbarize a nation.-He should now, therefore, with all respect, and affection, and duty, (not, however, forgetting the duty he owed to himself,) move an address to the regent, which should embrace all these important topics, and trace all the calamities external and internal, all the various grievances of our debt, and of our taxations, to a want of a free and equal representation of the people in parliament. He then concluded by saying, that he was happy to have this opportunity, before the restric tions were removed, of affording the prince a knowledge of the grievances and afflictions which oppressed the land, and of presenting to him the genuine sentiments of the people on subjects of such vital interest to the country. The ho

others were banished to distant gaols, and abandoned to solitary confinement. There had been a late instance of a judge upon the bench, who, in the case of White, had anticipated the guilt of the defendant. He adverted to the different degrees of rigour exercised in the cases of printers and authors; the former were the mere servants of the latter; and yet, in the case of Hart and White, the printer was confined to a solitary cell, upon the common allowance, and, as the honourable baronet believed, deprived of even small beer. He then observed that undue severity in the government even produced brutality in the people. That it was a mistaken notion, that writing and reading were education. The best education was that moral one

nourable baronet then read the address.

Lord Cochrane rose, for the purpose of seconding the address of the honourable baronet. He agreed that every credit was due to lord Wellington, for the manner in which he had conducted the war; but was inclined to expect very little of the Portuguese troops, from what he had seen of them. He would assert that he had seen them conducted in chains to the army, more like slaves than soldiers, and dragged from their homes, they did not know for what. At Pe niche he had seen some thousands of them collected, in want of every necessary, and almost in a state of nakedness; they had not even clothes to their backs. The noble lord then proceeded to make some

strong

strong remarks on the conduct of the Portuguese government. The gaols and dungeons of the inquisition, he said, were crowded with victims ; and the British minister, who at present formed a part of the regency, was lately under the necessity of retiring from Lisbon for some time, that he might not appear to countenance arrests and imprisonments which he could not approve. The noble lord then adverted to that part of the honourable baronet's proposed address, which referred to the internal state of the country, and professed his concurrence in the greater part of the sentiments which it contained. All, he thought, must own, that the freedom of the people had been greatly encroached upon, particularly by the oppressive mode of levying the taxes. He trusted that in this session of parliament a committee would be appointed to take into consideration the state of the nation, for the removal of those grievances under which it laboured. The noble lord then adverted to that part of the speech which referred to the naval defence of the country. He would maintain, however, that our naval force was not rendered so efficient as might be, in annoying the enemy. Commanding the seas as this country did, our navy ought to be employed in threatening the coast of France in all directions, by which means she would have been compelled to keep her armies at home, and could not have sent such a force into the peninsula. On every part of the French coast, the British navy might have brought to bear a military force equal, if not superior, to any that the enemy could have assembled against it, and thus have operated a most powerful diversion. The noble lord concluded with seconding the address.

Lord Jocelyn said, that in rising to oppose the address of the ho nourable baronet, and to submit the propriety of adopting another in its room, he must throw himself on the indulgence of the house, leaving out all that matter which the honourable baronet had thought it right to introduce on the present occasion, and confining himself to the topics contained in the speech delivered in the name of his royal highness the regent. He could not entertain a doubt that the house would join with his royal highness in lamenting the continuance of his majesty's illness; but if an indivi dual might be allowed to offer some consolation to the wounded feeling of the country, under the prolongation of such a calamity, he would refer them to the invariable attachment to the constitution which his majesty had displayed during his long reign, and which had been no less conspicuous in the conduct of his royal highness the prince regent, affording his best prospect of the maintenance of those domestic blessings which_the country had so long enjoyed. The period when the restrictions were to expire that were last year placed on the regent's government, was now approaching. He, for one, had differed from the majority of that house, on the propriety of these restrictions; yet, at any rate, they must have proved to the country, that his royal highness the prince regent never, even in the most difficult situations, lost sight of the happiness of his people; and he flord Jocelyn) felt convinced, that any thing he could say on that subject fell far short of what was felt by the house and the country. Adverting next to the military conduct of the war in Portugal, he thought that no man could with

hold

hold his admiration from the bravery of our army, or deny the military skill of his illustrious countryman, lord Wellington, who had shown to the world that he could successfully oppose the most distingaished of the enemy's generals. The brilliant exploit of gen. Hill had added new lustre to the British arms, and was every way deserving of commemoration. On next turning our attention to Spain, it was certainly to be lamented that the enemy continued to make some progress in that country, but still the spirit of the people remained unsubdued; the armies of Spain might be overcome again, as they had been before; but he could not allow himself to suppose that the Spanish nation, formed in the same mould, and actuated with the same spirit as the immortal defenders of Saragossa, would ultimately sink under the yoke of their invaders. But this was not only a war in defence of the independence of Spain, it was also a war for the preservation of the liberties of Englishmen. He believed that it had been always the opinion of the most enlightened statesmen in this country, that the battles of England were best fought in a foreign land. The conduct of this country, therefore, was equally dictated by policy as by justice; and he trusted that it would meet with a success corresponding to both. The noble lord next adverted to the events in India, observing that there was now this ground of congratulation, that the colonial power of France was extinguished all over the globe. He rejoiced at the information conveyed in the speech, that the affair of the Chesapeake had now been amicably arranged between this country and the United States, and hoped that this preliminary step would lead to

a solid and lasting conciliation, so much to be desired for the interest of both nations. He had also to congratulate the house on the internal tranquillity of Ireland-that most important member of the empire; and concluded, amidst repeated cheers, with moving his amended address, which, as usual, was an echo of the speech.

Captain Howard Vyse, in seconding the amendment moved by the. noble lord, went over the same ground which had been occupied by the noble lord, in a very able and eloquent strain, concluding in nearly the following words: "Whatever, sir, may be the ultimate issue of events, whether this country is destined only for a time to stem the torrent of unjust ambition, or is finally to afford a refuge from which the liberties of Europe may emerge, the path to be pursued appears the same.. The peculiar pressures and increasing difficulties of the times must, indeed, greatly heighten that desire which every rational, every feeling mind must constantly entertain for the return of peace: but peace can be of no benefit, except to our mortal enemies, unless attended with that se curity which would authorize the reduction of our military establishments. Peace, sir, can only be nominally obtained without sufficient and permanent confidence; and what degree of confidence can be reposed either in the honour, the moderation, or policy of our enemy, experience can decide. Nor is it, I think, sir, difficult to believe that an usurped dominion, founded on revolutionary faction and political intrigue, maintained by predatory invasion and military despatism, in opposition to every local interest, every civilized habit of mankind, headed by the avowed

enemy

enemy to this country, a man of despotic authority, a man fatally fitted for his destiny by transcendent abilities, but whom history will have to record as an awful, a singular instance of unbounded capacity and power, unenlightened, unennobled by one heroic, virtuous, exalted sentiment; I say, sir, it is not hard to believe that a dominion so constituted and so maintained can exist alone in the conflicting elements of war and of rapine. It is then, unfortunately, from ourselves and from our own resources that we are to look for safety, not from the moderation or justice of our fre. Difficulties however alarming, pressures however severely felt, must be met by constancy and by resolution. We must afford to his royal highness the prince regent that zealous assistance, that perfect confidence, which the speech so constitutionally, so graciously solicits, which this house may so worthily, so safely bestow. We must pursue that inflexible career which has hitherto preserved this country in a comparatively most prosperous situation-which has maintained her unshaken amidst the storms and convulsions of the world-which has enabled her, by her benevolent bounty, to support, and by the strong arm of her prosperous power to defend and to protect, the objects of rapacity and of ambition. In returning my thanks for the indulgence of the house, I beg leave again to repeat my entire concurrence with the noble lord's amendment."

Mr. Whitbread would not support sir Francis Burdett's address, though he agreed in the greater part of his statements.

The attorney-general was not present when the honourable baronet made his speech; but he had

heard his address read, and in it there were particular words which impelled him to offer to the house a few observations. The whole of that address he certainly reprobated; but the particular words to which he alluded, were those which went to stigmatize the character of a learned judge, and were, in substance, that "that learned judge had anticipated a verdict of guilty on the trial of Mr. White." would take upon himself to say, that this statement of the honourable baronet, with respect to lord Ellenborough, was wholly unfounded.

He

Sir Francis Burdett in explanation said, that what he founded his assertion upon, was that part of lord Ellenborough's language to Mr. White, where his lordship advised that gentleman, before a verdict was given, to reserve his evidence until he should be brought up for judgement.

Mr. Ponsonby observed, that he felt himself in the same situation as his honourable friend (Mr. Whitbread): he could neither vote for the original address nor the amendment, but should think it his duty to vote against both. He would state, in very few words, his objections to the amendment; but as to the original address, he would be silent, because he did not think the matter of it proper to be discussed at this moment. It travelled wide of the topics in the speech delivered in the name of the prince regent; and the amendment which embraced those topics, was what he felt himself obliged to remark upon. The first topic of the amendment was that which related to the establishment of a provision for the care and comfort of his majesty's royal person, and though no person was more inclined than

he

he to go further in every thing which ought to be done in furtherance of this almost sacred object, he would reserve a right of assent or dissent for that time when the arrangements to be proposed should be laid in detail before the house. The second topic of the address was that which related to Spain and Portugal. No person was more inclined than he to give cordial tribute of applause to the troops and generals employed in the prosecution of the war in those countries; but he could not go so far as to pledge himself, by his vote this night, to sanction the granting of those supplies which might be proposed hereafter as necessary for its continuance. Doubts might be entertained of the expediency of proceeding in this great contest, at the vast expense which it continues to cost us. If it should appear hereafter, that to prosecute the war, even at so vast an expense, was a wise system of conduct; and if he should see the necessity and the usefulness of granting such enormous supplies, then he would not only agree to them, but would give his vote with that cheerfulness which always follows conviction. He heard with great satisfaction that part of the speech which stated the amicable settlement of the affair between the Leopard and Chesapeake; and he was pleased also to know that a hope was expressed of a like adjustment of all the differences between this country and the United States. It was his wish, therefore, to abstain from any dis cussion which might not be in unison with the temper of the speech; and he would reserve whatever he had to say on this subject, until the event of the negotiations which were said to be now pending, should be made known. The last, and by

far the most important topic of the speech, was that which related to the affairs of Ireland. Ireland was of more moment to Great Britain than any thing which regarded our external relations with Spain or the United States; and sorry was he that, on this subject of primary and vital importance, the speech had confined itself to a paltry mention of the state of its revenue. It was his firm conviction, that a solemn and speedy inquiry into the state of that country was absolutely neces sary. When he stated generally the necessity of inquiring into the state of Ireland, he begged not to be understood as even hinting that any other measure short of that great one called emancipation could effectually save that country. It was that, and that alone, which could compose her discontents, and lay the foundation of her prosperity, as well as render the empire in general, what, with her heart, it was capable of being. Under this conviction, he thought that no time ought to be lost in bringing the affairs of Ireland before the house; and indeed he knew that no time would be lost, as an honourable friend of his was determined to give notice of a motion for that purpose on a very near day.

The chancellor of the exchequer observed, that in the first instance he thought it would have been better had the house proceeded without any discussion to a division on the address proposed by the honourable baronet; but as the honourable gentleman opposite had been induced to make several ob servations on the general subject, and as there would probably exist no disposition in the house to renew the discussion on the next question which would come before them, he felt it necessary to say a few words

in