ページの画像
PDF
ePub

Mr. Whitbread and of the popular party would be hailed with more satisfaction, and inspire more confidence with the real lovers of their country; for they deserve ample credit for the undaunted and unwearied firmness with which they themselves against public abuses, and against every instance of oppression. It may indeed be objected, and it has been both to Mr. Whitbread and to sir Francis Burdett, that they often bring for ward charges, which on inquiry turn out to be groundless: such cases must happen, in spite of all their care and inquiry but it is infinitely better that the natural tendency of power to abuse and oppression should be checked by the knowledge that it is closely and constantly watched, even though unjust charges may be brought against it, than that it should be suffered to proceed in its career unnoticed and uncontrolled. With respect to the talents of Mr. Whitbread, they are naturally strong and vigorous; he displays, perhaps, greater knowledge of mankind, than of the principles of political science, and enforces his statements rather by a few direct and powerful arguments expressed in plain and nervous language, than by a methodical and regular process of reasoning.

Sir Francis Burdett is decidedly at the head of the popular party: the favourite and leading maxims of this party are, that whatever regards Britain, and Britons, is of

infinitely more importance than checking the power of Bonaparte ; that Britons are likely to suffer more from ministerial profligacy and wastefulness, than from the conquests of the French; and that to expose and defeat ministers in any of their schemes for curtailing the liberty of the subject, or increasing his burdens, is a much more honourable and just cause of congratulation, than any victory gained over the French. These maxims are founded on very narrow views of the interests of this country: had Britain not been so commercial as she is; had the existence of her power not depended so much as it actually does, on her commerce; had she always kept aloof from foreign connections, and sought within herself alone the sources of her wealth and well-being, it would have been practicable and proper to have acted on these maxims: but situated as Britain is, though they ought to have some weight, they ought not exclusively, or even principally, to form the views and regulate the conduct of the nation. The talents of sir Francis Burdett are excellently well suited to the part which he acts: they would not have been so suitable, had they been assisted by regular and methodical study he is particularly happy in seizing upon those topics which admit of popular illustration; and he illustrates them in a manner which those for whom he speaks and writes, best relish and understand.

CHAPTER

CHAPTER VIII.

Alarm excited by the Murders in the Metropolis-Different Plans for improving the Police-Remarks on them-Disturbances in the Manufacturing Districts— their probable Origin and Caus:s-Extent and Object-Oath taken by the Insurgents-Report of the Committee on this Subject-Distress occasioned by the Orders in Council-Petitions against them-Declaration of the British Government on this Subject-Mr. Perceval agrees to hear Evidence against. the Orders in Council-Points at issue between the Defenders and Opposers of them-Evidence begun-interrupted by the Assassination of Mr. PercevalParticulars of that horrid Event-Bellingham's Motives and Defence of his Conduct-the Grievances of which he complained-bis Trial-Calmness of his Behaviour on this Occasion-Ingenuity and Acuteness of his Defence-impar-. tial Charge of the Judge-Remarks on the Precipitancy of the Trial-his Execution Sketch of his Life-Character-Talents-Political Conduct and Principles of Mr. Perceval-bis Talents seem to rise with his Rise in Situation-bis Faults as a public Man-precipitate and obstinate-very acute in Debate-but rather specious and particular, than solid and philosophical-his excellent private and domestic Character-Provision made for his Wife and Family.

LTHOUGH the first year of the prince's regency had been gloriously distinguished by our military successes in the peninsular war, yet at home great distress and dissatisfaction prevailed. It seldom happens that the labouring classes of the metropolis suffer nearly so much as those in the country, from the pressure of the times; the trades in which they are engaged depend less on foreign commerce: the wages which they receive are more regular and steady: hence, while discontent and misery frequently grind down the comforts and the spirits of the manufacturing classes in the country, people of a similar rank in society, and engaged in similar business in the metropolis, pass through times of public calamity almost untouched. The consequence is, that the higher ranks in the metropolis, not witnessing that distress of which the country in general complains, but, on the contrary, having unequivocal and

numerous proofs continually before their eyes, that the labouring classes are comfortably supplied with all, or nearly all, those things to which they have been accustomed, or are supposed to have a natural and well-founded claim, neither sympathize for the distress which prevails in the country, nor are disposed to remove it by any change in the conduct of public affairs. They are, indeed, well disposed to contribute pecuniary assistance, whenever it is necessary; but further they are unwilling to go: they are slow to believe that distress may give rise to such a change of feeling and opinion in the great body of the nation, as may endanger the tranquillity of the community, and conceive that when they have contributed pecuniary relief they have performed their whole duty, and secured the re-establishment of tranquillity and order. Events, however, occurred in the metropolis, during the winter of 1811,

which roused the alarm and apprehensions of its inhabitants in a most extraordinary degree: we allude to the murders which were committed in the neighbourhood of Wapping: the atrocious and unparalleled nature of these murders; the secrecy with which they were committed; the extreme difficulty of tracing, by the utmost vigilance and activity of the law, those who had committed them, made a most singular impression on the minds of the inhabitants of the metropolis. They immediately conceived that the character of the British nation was entirely changed; that they had become a nation of assassins; that a regular and systematic plan of similar murders was laid, and would, as opportunity served, be acted upon. For a considerable length of time after these murders were perpetrated, not only were the minds of men considerably agitated, and their apprehensions of similar atrocities excited; this was natural, and might have been expected; but they could not view the subject with the coolness of common sense: certain undefined fears harassed and weakened the public intellect; and had the British government, as many governments would have done, taken advantage of these apprehensions, they might without much difficulty have established in the metropolis, a system of police equal in rigour and tyranny to that under which the inhabitants of Paris have long groaned.

There were not wanting those who openly and strongly recommended such a measure, who insisted on its necessity and advantage, and who expressed their willingness to submit to the most strict military police, rather than be again exposed to such alarms as had agitated them in consequence of the

murders in 1811. Other plans, in fact, equally objectionable, and equally hostile to the spirit of a free government, but rather more softened in their objectionable features, were proposed: a military police, it was very properly observed, would be at once cumbrous, expensive, and inefficient: for all the useful and lawful purposes of a police it would be inefficient, while for the purposes of tyrannizing over the people, it would be well adapted and completely efficient: respecting the system of espionage, which was also recommended, it was observed, that it might, indeed, for a time detect or prevent robberies; but this effect would be produced only for a time, unless the system was frequently changed and amended; while the experiment would be utterly unsuited to the constitution, and the natural feelings of Britons. The third scheme, which recommended an application to government to give new powers to the magistracy, and to establish a kind of government police, certainly seemed free from many of the objections to which the other schemes were exposed; but it is evident that, by such a scheme, the powers and patronage of government would have been considerably extended and increased, while it is very doubtful, whether the public benefit derived from it would at all compensate for this certain and serious evil.

Such were the principal plans recommended for putting the police of the metropolis on a better and more efficient footing. By a reference to the Parliamentary Proceedings, it will be seen that Mr. Ryder, as secretary of state for the home department, brought the subject regularly before parlia ment, and the measure that he proposed, is detailed there; on it we

shall

shall only remark, that it does not strike at the root of the evil; while it must be acknowledged that few subjects are more difficult, and at the same time more important, than the establishment of such a police, in the metropolis of a free country, as shall at once preserve the peace and safety of its inhabitants, and not infringe on their civil rights, or expose them to the apprehension or infliction of more severe or strict measures than are absolutely ne

-cessary.

We have hinted at the erroneous and absurd idea which was entertained by many people, that the murders in the metropolis indicated that the character of the British nation was changed: as the alarm respecting these events subsided, and men reflected with more cool. ness, this idea was very properly abandoned; but very shortly afterwards, events occurred in several of the manufacturing counties, which proved that the public mind and feelings were agitated much more deeply and extensively than had been imagined. It is extremely difficult to ascertain the motives and causes which gave rise to the disturbances in the manufacturing counties, the real and ultimate objects which the insurgents had in view, and even the extent and ramifications of these disturbances. The representations on all these points were excessively different, and frequently diametrically opposite: it is certain, however, that the disturbances first broke out in Nottinghamshire; that the person who headed the insurgents either bore or assumed the name of Ludd; and hence, not only in this county, but also in the other counties into which the disturbances subsequently spread, they called themselves, and were universally known by the

name of, Luddites. The avowe and immediate object of the Luddites was the destruction of certain frames, the use of which had superseded manual labour in the manufacture of several articles. The antipathy of the manufacturing classes to all kinds of machinery, which limits the necessity for manual labour, is well known, and the effects of this antipathy have been repeatedly felt in most of the manufacturing districts of the island. But as experience had proved that the introduction or improvement of machinery, though at first it supersedes manual labour, yet in a short time creates a greater and more steady demand for it; it may well be doubted, whether the disturb ances in Nottinghamshire can properly and satisfactorily be ascribed solely or principally to this cause. Another motive has been assigned for them, which, however, is much too refined to have existed or operated among such a class of people as were engaged in the disturb ances. It seems that the articles manufactured by the newly introduced machinery, though apparently of good fabric, are in reality of much inferior quality: this circumstance being discovered, the demand for Nottinghamshire goods of this description had considerably lessened, and suspicion had fallen on all articles of a similar nature from this county. The labouring classes, it is alleged, were therefore indignant at the continued use of these frames, and insisted on their being given up, not because they superseded manual labour, but because the articles which were manufactured by means of them were of inferior quality, and injured the character and sale of Nottingham goods. Such a supposition, however, cannot for a moment be maintained,

maintained, as it is very unlikely that the master manufacturers would be so blind to their own interests, as to continue the use of machinery which injured their goods, or that the labouring classes would go about to destroy that machinery, which in a very short time must have been abandoned from its inefficiency. The truth seems to be, that the insurgents were first roused by the pressure of the times, which, with respect to them, was greatly increased by the introduction of these frames: being thus roused, from very simple motives, and with one object only in view, namely, the destruction of the obnoxious machinery, they were stimulated to greater excesses, and urged on to objects of a more extended nature, partly by a feeling of their own strength, partly by finding that the grievance of which they complained was not removed, and partly by the intrigues of disaffected people who mixed themselves with them.

At first government was disposed to disregard these disturbances: they considered them as merely the result of local and temporary distress, occasioned by a decline of the manufactures of the district in which they originated; and they consequently believed that they would soon subside. Hence they adopted no measures of a decisive or extraordinary nature, but confided in the vigilance and powers of the magistrates to preserve the peace. It was soon, however, apparent, not only that the disturbances were extending, but that they were assuming an organization, which indicated some deep and extensive design, as well as considerable means and talents to carry that design into execution. Indeed, in the course of a very short time from 1812.

the first breaking out of the disturbances in Nottinghamshire, they had spread in a most alarming degree; nearly the whole of the manufacturing districts of England, including the counties of Chester, Lancashire, Nottinghamshire, Derbyshire, Leicestershire, and part of Staffordshire, Warwickshire, and. Yorkshire, were in a most disturbed and agitated state; but the organization of the disturbances was still more formidable and alarming than their extent. How this organization was effected and preserved is not known; but every thing seemed done according to a preconcerted and regular plan. Communications were kept up among all parts of the disturbed districts: the movements and proceedings of the insurgents were all in concert and cooperation; and what is still more extraordinary, notwithstanding such an immense number of people were concerned in the disturbances, and these people were spread over such a large extent of country, the utmost secrecy respecting their designs was preserved.

From the report of the select committee it appeared, that large bodies of rioters were in the habit of assembling in the night time, with blackened faces, and armed with different kinds of weapons; they broke into every house where they suspected there was any machinery, which they broke to pieces, spreading terror all round the neighbourhood. They did not confine their riotous and destructive operations to the night time, but assembled for the purposes of breaking machinery, and even to attack such individuals as were particularly obnoxious to them, in the open day. The insurgents in the west riding of Yorkshire marked out several master manufacturers,

[blocks in formation]
« 前へ次へ »