he would not even hold out the most distant or the slightest hope that the day would ever arrive when he would give up his opposition to this measure; and from what occurred during the correspondence between lord Liverpool and the marquis of Wellesley, when the former wished to gain over the latter to the administration, it was supposed that lord Liverpool would not easily or speedily acknowledge that the period was arrived when catholic emancipation might be safely and justly granted. The friends of the catholics however, convinced that no ministry could be so hostile to them as one at which Mr. Perceval was at the head, brought it before both houses of parliament after his death; and they at last succeeded so far as to obtain the pledge of the house of commons, that they would inquire into the claims of the catholics during the next session of parlia ment. But this parliament was not to meet again: having run nearly its usual and legitimate course, it was dissolved; and the friends of the new ministry, of lord Wellesley and Mr. Canning, of the old and regular opposition, and of sir Francis Burdett and the popular party, made use of every effort respectively to increase their numbers and influence. Yet, after all, little that is interesting or important occurred during the elections. In the city of London, Mr. Waithman and alderman Wood, who at all the meetings of the livery had carried in the most triumphant manner every measure which they proposed or supported, offered themselves as candidates; but without success. In Liverpool the contest was not only extremely keen, but attended with circumstances of peculiar and no common interest. The candidates were Mr. Brougham and Mr. Creevey on the one side, and Mr. Canning and general Gascoigne on the other side. Mr. Brougham, a young man of firstrate abilities, had distinguished himself by the active, zealous, and successful part which he took against the orders in council; indeed, had it not been for his exertions, they would not have been repealed. As Liverpool had suffered in a very great degree by the suspension of commercial intercourse with America, Mr. Brougham was very popular there. Mr. Creevey was recommended to them from the circumstance of his being a native of the town, and of his having opposed the East India monopoly. As there were in Liverpool many wealthy and powerful people who considered the orders in council as beneficial to this country, and were consequently against their repeal, and who were decidedly at variance with Mr. Brougham on the great questions of peace, and a reform of parliament, they naturally looked out for some man of talents, and of principles similar to their own, to set up in opposition to him. They fixed on Mr. Canning; and general Gascoigne, as one of their old members, was united with him. Almost every day during the election, the inhabitants of Liverpool enjoyed the high gratification of hearing most able and eloquent harangues from Mr. Canning and Mr. Brougham; the former denouncing the tyranny of Bonaparte, the necessity and the practicability of continuing the war against him,--and ridiculing, with that vein of irony for which he is distinguished, the advocates for parliamentary reform. On the other hand, Mr. Brougham painted with more impressive and chaste was very keen; but it was happily The general result of the elections is supposed to have been, that the party of the marquis Wellesley and Mr. Canning was strengthened, and that their additional strength was gained at the expense of the ministerial party. In the month of April a proposal of peace came from Bonaparte: one of the conditions was, that "the present dynasty of Spain should be declared independent." Lord Castlereagh, in reply to this proposal, inquired what was meant by the present dynasty: if it meant, as the prince regent feared, the "brother of the head of the French government," the proposal could not be accepted: if it meant Ferdinand, his royal highness was disposed to treat for peace. To this required explanation no answer was given, and of course nothing further was done. CHAPTER X. Anxiety felt in this Country respecting the Intentions of the American Government -Ignorance of our Politicians with regard to the State of Parties in the United States-The Mission of Henry-Effects produced by its DiscoveryMinisters refuse to give any Explanation on the Subject-Message of the President to the Senate and the House of Representatives on the Subject of the Differences with Great Britain-Hostile Character of this Message-Topics discussed in it-Impressing American Seamen-Searching American ShipsBlockades-Orders in Council-Remarks on these Topics as discussed in the Message-War declared by America-Expectations in Britain with respect to the Result of the War-Americans prepare to invade Canada-Character of the American General and Troops-Total Defeat of General Hull-The Americans still persevere in their Designs against Canada-are again defeated -Death of General Brock-Anxiety of the British Nation that the Americans and British should meet at Sea-Battle between the Guerriere and Constitution-Guerriere taken-Surprise and Consternation of the British at this Event -Causes of it-Battle between the Macedonian and United States-the former taken-Riots at Baltimore-President's Speech. REAT anxiety prevailed in consequences which would be produced in America by the repeal of the orders of council. The Ame rican government had so repeatedly principal cause of the alienation and differences which existed between the two countries, that there seemed seemed reasonable ground for believing that their repeal would restore amity and commercial intercourse between them; but unfortunately there were not only, in fact, other causes of difference, but there also existed, both in the British and American government, a spirit by no means consistent with a calm and impartial discussion of the grievances and wrongs of which each complained. In Great Britain an idea prevailed, and seemed in a great degree to influence the ministry, that America had acted in a very unjustifiable manner towards this country, while she had manifested in the most open and unblushing manner a decided leaning towards the interests and views of France: this opinion, of course, appeared to justify those who were decidedly for war with the United States, in giving currency and weight to their hostile measures; but another circumstance also operated towards the same end. A war with America, it was argued, would be not merely just, but also of short continuance, and a scene of uninterrupted and splendid success on our part, and of defeat and disgrace on the part of the United States; and it is much to be feared that the success which will probably arise from a war, whether of a substantial or merely of a splendid nature, has too much influence in deciding its commencement. disposition, so contrary to sound policy as well as justice, was unfortunately met with a similar disposition in the government and a large proportion of the population of America: they were galled and provoked by our attacks on their commerce;-by our interruption of their trade with France ;-by the right of search, which we claimed and exercised not always on the best This grounds or in the most gentle manner;-and with the impressment and detention of their seamen. To these motives for war was added the hope of conquering Canada, and of enriching themselves by the capture of our merchant ships. But while there was a strong party for war with Great Britain in the United States, there was also no weak or inconsiderable party for peace; and this party also was influenced, in some degree, by a regard to their own interest, as well as by a sense of what they conceived to be right and just. In such a country as America there must be for a long time a great deal of superfluous produce raised; and consequently those employed in raising or disposing of this produce must be anxious for a regular and adequate market for it: but Great Britain afforded it this market, and in return was the only country which could supply the United States with manufactured goods of the best quality, and at the lowest price. The persons therefore, in each country, interested in this commercial intercourse, who were reciprocally buyers and sellers, were naturally averse from war; and they urged their plea with considerable though unequal effect: for while in America, to the plea of the grower or seller of corn, that by a war with Great Britain his produce would become unsaleable, it was replied, that in such a case he should direct his labour and capital to the production of those goods which Great Britain gave in exchange for corn; no similar plea or answer could be urged, when the manufacturers of this country maintained that in consequence of a war with America they would be utterly deprived of a vent for the produce of their labour and capital. Those therefore therefore who were of opinion that America would never declare war against Great Britain, because the American government were completely under the control and guidance of the populace, and the interest of the populace there must be for peace, argued erroneously in many respects; they took for granted, what was not the case, that the interest of the most powerful and most active and turbulent part of the American population was for peace; they also took for granted (what a very limited and short acquaintance with the populace of any nation must prove to be erroneous) that the populace are always influenced and directed by a regard to their real interests; and they forgot that, though in a democratic government, such as that of the United States, the voice and will of the populace, if it continue firm and determined one way for a length of time, must prevail; yet there are methods, well understood, and systematically acted upon, in such governments, of changing their sentiments and wishes. In fact, on no subjects in the smallest degree connected with the policy or the interest of this country has the British government or people betrayed more ignorance and prejudice than on the probable intentions of the American government, and the wishes of the American people; and though our conjectures and information have been repeatedly proved to be erroneous, yet we were not rendered more wise and sagacious, or less prejudiced. This remark applies, with nearly equal force, to both parties in Great Britain: those who contended for the justice and necessity of a war with America predicted from that war, almost as soon as it should commence, the separation of the United States, if not a civil war among them: on every approaching election of a president, they confidently foretold that the friends of Great Britain would prevail; and when the event proved that their prediction was unfounded, they were not abashed, but persisted in the representations which they had made of the disposition of the people of the United States. On the other hand, those in Great Britain who were averse from a war with the United States were nearly as ignorant both of the views of the government there, and of the temper and wishes of the people. Nor is it difficult to point out the principal source of these erroneous opinions: in no country does party spirit run so high as it does in America; no where are party statements so utterly unfounded, and so much calculated, if not intended, to mislead. Hence those who wish to believe that a war with Great Britain would be extremely unpopular in America,-that it would immediately produce the greatest degree of misery and discontent, and prepare the way for a separation among the states, find no difficulty in illustrating and confirming their opinions by the party statements of the American writers; while, on the other hand, those in Great Britain who entertained opposite opinions found no difficulty in sup porting them by the evidence and arguments which were supplied to them by the corresponding party in America. The time was now fast approaching when all conjecture and speculation regarding the views and intentions of the government of the United States would be at an end: they certainly were still decidedly hostile to Great Britain; but it was hoped that the intelligence of the death death of Mr. Perceval, and the con- of the disposition, if not the result of the orders, of the British ministry) the president, in a message to the senate, represented as a most gross breach of good faith: at the very time when Great Britain and America were employed in discussing terms of amity, an agent had been employed, not for the purpose of collecting information (for that was a legitimate object), but for the purpose of procuring a separation of the United States: the president further contended, that the letters which had been found, when Henry was seized, proved that this plan for separating the states had been so completely digested, and was supposed to be so near its execution, that the British ministry actually proposed to send an accredited person to the federalist party. No circumstance could have occurred more likely to move the passions and confirm the prejudices of the American people against Great Britain; and even those who were inimical to Mr. Madison and his party, who thought that in the dispute between the countries America had been to blame, and who had always contended that Great Britain had acted towards her in the most honourable and forbearing manner, felt disposed on this occasion to unite with the democratic party, and to join in their invectives against the perfidy of the British ministry. The subject of the mission of Henry was brought before parliament but ministers refused to produce the correspondence and papers connected with it; nor did they give a very clear or satisfactory account of the transaction. They denied, indeed, that he was accredited by them, or that they were acquainted with sir James Craig's intention of employing him; but. they |