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tenting themselves with that great object, they refused to enter upon any further conquest, and withdrew by thousands from the legate's standard. The latter, alarmed at the reduction of his army, and not finding the conquest of the city so practicable as he at first apprehended, had recourse next to stratagem for effecting his purpose. Amongst those who had joined his army with fresh auxiliaries under the walls of Carcassone, was the king of Arragon, in Spain. A plot was formed between this monarch and the legate to try the effect of negociation with the earl of Beziers, and the former was deputed to solicit an interview and manage the whole affair.

"An interview accordingly took place, at which the king of Arragon expressed his wish to know what could induce the earl to shut himself up in the city of Carcassone against so vast an army of the pilgrims. The latter replied, it was the justice of his cause-that he was fully persuaded the pope, under the pretext of religion, had formed the design of ruining both his uncle, the earl of Raymond, and himself of this he had had the most convincing proof when he undertook to intercede for his subjects, the inhabitants of Beziers. The pope's legate had refused to spare such of them as were catholics, and had even butchered the priests themselves, though clothed in their sacerdotal ornaments, and though they had ranged themselves under the banner of the cross: that that horrible instance of cruelty and wickedness, added to their proceedings in the borough of Carcassone, where his unoffending subjects had been exposed to fire and sword without regard to age or sex, had taught him the folly of looking for any

mercy at the hands of the legate or his army of pilgrims; that consequently he preferred to die in his own defence rather than be exposed. to the mercy of so relentless and inexorable an enemy. He acknowledged to the king, that many of his subjects in the city of Carcassone professed a faith very different from that of the church of Rome, but they were persons who never did wrong or injury to any one, and that in requital of their good services to himself, he was resolved never to desert them. He also expressed his hope that God, who is the protector and defender of the innocent, would support them against that misinformed multitude, who, under the mistaken notion of meriting heaven, had left their own houses to plunder, burn, and destroy the houses of other men, and to murder, without reason, mercy, or discretion.

"The king of Arragon returned from this parley, and, in an assembly, consisting of the legate, the lords and prelates, reported the particulars of what had passed between himself and the earl of Beziers. The king was requested to withdraw a little while, on which a consultation took place, and being again called in, he was commissioned to return to the earl and propose to him, that, at his intercession, the legate had consented to receive him into mercy, upon the following terms. He should be permitted to come out of the city, and to bring with him a dozen more, with their bag and baggage. But, with regard to the rest of the inhabitants, they should not leave the city except at his discretion, of which they ought to entertain the most favourable opinion, because he was the pope's legate: that all the inhabitants, both men, women, maidens, and

children,

children, should come forth without so much as their shirts or shifts on, or the smallest covering to hide their nakedness, and that, finally, the earl of Beziers should be kept in strict custody and confinement, and that all his possessions should remain in the hands of such a successor as should be chosen for the preservation of the country.

"The Spanish monarch was fully persuaded, that propositions so degrading as these were, it was needless to offer to the earl of Beziers; he, nevertheless, complied with the legate's request, and submitted them to the earl, who gave an immediate reply that he would never quit the city upon conditions so dishonourable and unjust, and that he was resolved to defend both himself and his subjects by every means that God had put within his power.

"Finding himself thus foiled in his attempt to move the earl of Beziers, the legate soon had recourse to a less honourable, but much more deep laid plot. He insinuated himself into the graces of one of the officers of his army, telling him that it lay in his power to render to the church a signal instance of kindness, and that if he would undertake it, besides the rewards which he should receive in heaven, he should be amply recompensed on earth. The object was to get access to the earl of Beziers, professing himself to be his kinsman and friend, assuring him that he had something to communicate of the last importance to his interests, and, having thus far succeeded, he was to prevail upon him to accompany him to the legate, for the purpose of negotiating a peace, under a pledge that he should be safely conducted back again to the city. The officer played his part so dexterously, that the earl imprudently

consented to accompany him. At their interview, the latter submitted to the legate the propriety of exercising a little more lenity and moderation towards his subjects, as a procedure that might have the happiest tendency in reducing the Albigenses into the church of Rome; he also stated to him, that the conditions which had been formerly proposed to him were dishonourable and shameful, and highly indecorous in those whose eyes ought to be as chaste as their thoughts: that his people would rather choose to die than submit to such disgraceful treatment. The legate replied that the inhabitants of Carcassone might exercise their own pleasure; but that it was now unnecessary for the earl to trouble himself any further about them, as he was himself a prisoner until Carcassone was taken, and his subjects had better learnt their duty!

"The earl was not a little astonished at this information-protested shat he was betrayed, and that faith was violated; for that the gentleman, by whose entreaties he had been prevailed upon to meet the legate, had pledged himself by oaths and execrations to conduct him back in safety to Carcassone. But appeals, remonstrances, or entreaties, were of no avail; he was committed to the custody of the duke of Burgundy, and, having been thrown into prison, died soon after, not without great suspicion of having been poisoned.'

No sooner had the inhabitants of Carcassone received the intelli. gence of the earl's continement, than they burst into tears, and were seized with such terror, that they thought of nothing, but how to escape the danger they were then placed in: but, blocked up as they were on all sides, and the trenches

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[62] Classical Studies of James Benigne Bossuet, Bishop of Meaux.

filled with men, all human probability of escape vanished from their eyes. A report, however, was circulated, that there was a vault or subterraneous passage somewhere in the city, which led to the castle of Caberet, a distance of about three leagues from Carcassone, and that if the mouth or entry thereof could be found, Providence had provided for them a way of escape. All the inhabitants of the city, except those who kept watch upon the rampires, immediately commenced the search, and success rewarded their labour. The entrance of the cavern was found, and at the beginning of the night they all began their journey through it, carrying with them only as much food as was deemed necessary to serve them for a few days. It was a dismal and sorrowful sight, says their historian, to witness their removal and departure, accompanied with sighs, tears, and lamentations, at the thoughts of quitting their habitations and all their worldly possessions, and betaking themselves to the uncertain event of saving themselves by flight; parents leading their

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children, and the more robust supporting decrepit old persons; aud especially to hear the affecting lamentations of the women.' They, however, arrived the following day at the castle, from whence they dispersed themselves through dif ferent parts of the country, some proceeding to Arragon, some to Catalonia, others to Toulouse and the cities belonging to their party, wherever God in his providence opened a door for their admission.

"The awful silence which reigned in the solitary city excited no little surprise on the following day among the pilgrims. At first they sus pected a stratagem to draw them into an ambuscade, but on mounting the walls and entering the town, they cried out, the Albigenses are fled! The legate issued a proclamation, that no person should seize or carry off any of the plunder

that it should all be carried to the great church of Carcassone, whence it was disposed of for the benefit of the pilgrims, and the proceeds distributed among them in rewards according to their deserts."

CLASSICAL STUDIES OF JAMES BENIGNE BOSSUET, BISHOP of MEAUX.

[From some Account of his Life and Writings: by CHARLES BUTLER, Esq.]

A

LL the bibliographers of Bossuet mention, that, in the early part of his studies, he acquired a perfect knowledge of the Greek and Latin languages; that he had repeatedly perused the works of the principal pocts, historians, and erators of antiquity, and that Homer and Demosthenes among the Greeks, and Virgil among the Latins, were

his favourite authors. His acquaintance with them, gave him that chaste and nervous style, which is so seldom attained by persons, who have not formed themselves on those models. In the works of such writers, brilliant, pathetic, and even sublime passages are often found; but that, which constitutes the perfection of style, and alone

enables

enables it to engage attention, when. it is not excited by a sentiment, an image, or a turn of phrase particularly striking, the indescribable charm of the proper word in the proper place, is learned no where, but in the Greek and Roman school. With how much difficulty it is attained, Bossuet himself is a striking example. The Benedictine editors of his works inform us, that his manuscripts are so much distigured by obliterations, insertions, and coras to be rections of every sort, almost illegible. This is the case of almost all writers, whose works reach a future age. It was particularly the case of a celebrated orator and author of our times. Nothing seems more flowing or more easy than the style of the late Mr. Edmund Burke; it has all the appearance of an effusion of unpremeditated eloquence. But we are informed, that almost every period in his writings was written over three times, at least, before it satisfied its author; and that, even in that state, the work was printed, with a large margin, for the purpose of a still further revision; and was, even then, once more corrected before it was submitted to the public eye. Such is the toilsome drudgery to which every writer must submit, who aspires to be numbered among the classical writers of his. country. Yet, after all the labour we have mentioned, the writings of Bossuet, those even, which he polished with the greatest care, are not wholly free from sins against syntax and grammar.

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"Through life, Bossuet was a very early riser: and if, while he was in bed, his sleep was delayed or interrupted, he availed himself of it, to write his letters, or to commit to paper, any interesting thought which occurred to him; he also

frequently gave this time to prayer.
No portion of time, he used to say,
was so favourable to devotion, as
the stillness of the night; none,
when the Holy Spirit was more
propitious to those, who invoke
him.

"He had no regular hours for
his meals: visits of ceremony, which
the most imperioas etiquête did not
prescribe, he neither received, nør
paid, but it appears that he was
easy of access, and affable in con-
versation. He was so covetous of
his time, as to deny himself the
blameless recreation of a walk in
his garden. Once, however, he fell
into conversation with his gardener;
and remarked that his garden had
few of his visits. That is very
true,' said the gardener; but, if
the trees bore Chrysostoms, or Au-
stins, or Ambroses, you would be
devouring their fruit, from morning
to night."

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After he had completed his studies, classical literature seems to have had little of Bossuet's attention. He not only blamed the introduction of pagan mythology into works of religion, but thought, that it should be sparingly and guardedly used, even in mere works of taste.

"On the publication of M. de la Quintinaye's work on gardening, the celebrated Santeuil addressed to him some elegant Latin verses, in which he introduced the goddess Santeuil Pomona applauding the work, and exulting in its success. was engaged, at that time, in composing hymus for the new Breviary of Cluni; but it too often happened, that some profane subject attracted On this, his his attention, and made him truant to his sacred muse. friends often expostulated with him; he always professed to repent, and promised amendment, but too soon repeated the offence. The verses

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to M. de la Quintinaye were a new crime: Bossuet affected to be violently angry at them; and both Fenelon and Fleury gave the poet a terrible account of the prelate's anger. To sooth it, Santeuil addressed to Bossuet a poem of exquisite art and beauty. He begins by professing his zealous and unvaried attachment to religion; mentions his sacred labours; observes that some relaxation from them was necessary; and where, he asks, can a poet seek relaxation, better, than in the sportive strains of poetic personification? And, after all, was there any thing really alarming in mentioning Pomona? Was Bossuet, the glory of the Gallican hierarchy, the oracle of the whole church, to whom even royalty listened with respect, was he to be scared at the name of Pomona? But the poet would never be guilty of the like offence: he would dedicate himself entirely to holy themes.

As a

penance for his offence, he would sing the praises of the eternal Father, his coeternal Son, and the Spirit which proceeds from both in strains, which Bossuet himself would vouchsafe to hear. Would not this atone for Pomona ?-If it did not, he would dress himself in sackcloth,

sprinkle his head with ashes, tie a rope round his neck, and hold, like a criminal, a burning taper in his hand at the head of an immense multitude, who were to serve for witnesses of his humiliation, he would present himself before the prelate, at the threshold of the altar, and, on his knees, confess his fault, and implore it's forgiveness. To these verses, Santeuil prefixed an etching, in which he himself appeared the dismal figure described in his verses. With one hand, he seemed to strike his breast; and, with the other to hold a burning taper, with which he burnt his guilty verses. Bossuet was drawn in his episcopal robes, with his mitre and crosier, and seemed to stretch out his hand to the humbled and contrite bard. It is needless to say, that Bossuet's wrath was appeased, and that he took the bard into favour. 'Behold!' said Bossuet in a letter which he writ to him, on receiving the verses,- Behold, what is gained by a little humility. You were guilty of a little fault; humbled yourself a little for it;-and in the instant, you compose the finest verses which you have yet produced.'

“IF

BOSSUET'S CONDEMNATION OF STAGE ENTERTAINMENTS. [From the same.]

F Bossuet censured, with so much severity, a mere casual allusion to pagan mythology, no indulgence could be expected from him to stage entertainments. letter, which Father Caffaro, a Theatine Monk, published in their defence, produced from him a very

A

eloquent reply. As the subject is interesting, and Bossuet's reply to Father Caffaro, is a fair specimen of his eloquence in controversy, an account of it, in this place, may be acceptable to the reader.

"The scenic exhibitions of Rome did not survive her the theatres themselves

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