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a fmall or weak, towards a great and powerful nation, dooms the former to be the fatellite of the latter.

94. Againft the infidious wiles of foreign influence (I conjure you to believe me, fellow citizens) the jealoufy of a free people ought to be conftantly awake: fince history and experience prove that foreign influence is one of the most baneful foes of republican government.

95. But that jealoufy, to be useful must be impartial; else it becomes the inftrument of the very influence to be avoided, instead of a defence againft it. Exceffive partiality for one foreign nation, and exceffive diflike of another, caule those whom they actuate to fee danger only on one fide, and ferve to veil and even fecond the arts of influence on the other.

96. Real patriots, who may refift the intrigues of the favorite, are liable to become suspected and odious; while its tools and dupes ufurp the applaufe and confidence of the people, to furrender their interefts.

97. The great rule of conduct for us in regard to foreign nations, is in extending our commercial relations, to have with them as little political connection as poffible. So far as we have already formed engagements, let them be fulfilled with perfect good faith. Here let us ftop.

98. Europe has a fet of primary interefts, which, to us, have none, or a very remote relation. Hence fhe must be engaged in frequent controverfies, the caufes of which are effentially foreign to our concerns. Hence, therefore, it must be unwife in us to implicate ourselves, by artificial ties, in the ordinary viciffitudes of her politics, or the ordinary combinations and collifions of her friendships or enmities.

99. Our detached and distant situation, invites and enables us to purfue a different course. If we remain one people, under an efficient government, the period is not far off, when we may defy material injury from external annoy

ance;

100. When we may take fuch an attitude as will caufe the neutrality, we may at any time refolve on, to be scrupulously refpected; when belligerent nations, under the impoffibility of making acquifitions on us, will not lightly hazard the giving us provocation; when we may choofe peace or war, as our intereft, guided by juftice, fhall counfel.

101. Why forego the advantages of fo peculiar a fituation? Why quit our own to ftand on foreign ground? Why, by interweaving our deftiny with that of any part of Europe, entangle our peace and profperity in the toils of European ambition, rivalfhip, intereft, humor, or caprice?

102. 'Tis our true policy to steer clear of permanent alliances, with any portion of the foreign world; fo far, I mean, as we are now at liberty to do it; for let me not be understood as capable of patronizing infidelity to existing engagements.

103. I hold the maxim no lefs applicable to public than to private affairs, that honefty is always the best policy. I repeat it, therefore, let thofe engagements be obferved in their genuine fenfe. But in my opinion, it is unnecessary, and would be unwife to extend them.

104. Taking care always to keep ourselves, by fuitable eftablishments, on a refpectable defenfible pofture, we may fafely truft to temporary alliances for extraordinary emergencies.

105. Harmony, liberal intercourse with all nations, are recommended by policy, humanity and intereft. But even our commercial policy, fhould hold an equal and impartial hand; neither fending nor granting exclufive favors or preferences; confulting the natural course of things; diffusing and diverfifying by gentle means the ftream of commerce, but forcing nothing;

106. Establishing, with powers fo difpofed, in order to give trade a ftable courfe to define the rights of our merchants, and to enable the government to fupport them; conventional rules of intercourfe, the beft that prefent circumstances and mutual opinion will permit, but temporary, and liable to be from time to time abandoned or varied as experience and circumstances fhall dictate;

107. Conftantly keeping in view, that 'tis folly in one nation to look for difinterested favors from another; that it muft pay with a portion of its independence for whatever it may accept under that character;

108. That by fuch acceptance, it may place itself in the condition of having given equivalents for nominal favors, and yet of being reproached with ingratitude for not giving more. There can be no greater error than to expect, or cal

culate, on real favors from nation to nation. 'Tis an illufion which experience must cure, which a juft pride ought to difcard.

109. In offering to you, my countrymen, these counfels of an affectionate friend, I dare not hope they will make the ftrong and lafting impreffion I could wifh; that they will control the ufual current of the paffions, or prevent our nation from running the course which has hitherto marked the destiny of nations :

110. But if I may even flatter myfelf, that they may be productive of fome partial benefit, fome occafional good; that they may now and then recur to moderate the fury of party fpirit; to warn against the mischiefs of foreign intrigue, to guard against the impostures of pretended patriotifm; this hope will be a full recompenfe for the folicitude for your welfare, by which they have been dictated.

111. How far in the discharge of my official duties, I have been guided by the principles which have been delineated, the public records and other evidences of my conduct muft witness to you and to the world. To myself, the affurance of my own confcience is, that 1 have at least believed myself to be guided by them.

112. In relation to the still fubfifting war in Europe, my proclamation of the twenty-fecond of April, one thoufand teven hundred and ninety-five, is the index to my plan. Sanctioned by your approving voice, and by that of your reprefentatives in both houfes of congrefs, the spirit of that meafure has continually governed me; uninfluenced by any attempts to deter or divert me from it.

113. After deliberate examination, with the aid of the beft lights I could obtain, I was well fatisfied that our country, under all the circumftances of the cafe, had a right to take, and was bound in duty and intereft to take a neutral pofition. Having taken it, 1 determined, as far as should depend on me, to maintain it, with moderation.

114., The confiderations which refpect the right to hold this conduct, it is not neceffary on this occafion to detail. I will only obferve, that according to my understanding of the matter, that right, fo far from being denied by any of the belligerent powers, has been virtually admitted by all.

115. The duty of holding a neutral conduct may be in

ferred, without any thing more, from the obligation which juftice and humanity impofe on every nation, in cafes in which it is free to act, to maintain inviolate the relations of peace and amity towards other nations.

116. The inducements of intereft for obferving that conduct will best be referred to your own reflections and experience. With me, a predominant motive has been to endeavor to gain time to our country to fettle and mature its yet recent inftitutions, and to progrefs, without interruption, to that degree of ftrength and confiftency, which is neceffary to give it, humanly speaking, the command of its own fortunes.

117. Though in reviewing the incidents of my adminiltration, I am inconfcious of intentional error: I am nevertheless too fenfible of my defects not to think it probable that I may have committed many errors. Whatever they may be, I fervently befeech the Almighty to avert or mitigate the evils, to which they may tend.

118. I fhall, alfo, carry with me the hope that my country will never ceafe to view them with indulgence; and that after forty-five years of my life dedicated to its fervice, with an upright zeal, the faults of incompetent abilities will be configned to oblivion, as myself muft foon be to the manfions of reft.

119. Relying on its kindness in this as in other things, and actuated by that fervent love towards it, which is fo natural to a man who views in it the native foil of himfelf and progenitors for feveral generations;

120. I anticipate with pleasing expectation that retreat, in which I promife myself to realize, without alloy, the sweet enjoyment of partaking, in the midft of my fellow citizens, the benign influence of good laws under a free government, the ever favorite object of my heart, and the happy rewards as I truft, of our mutual cares, labors and dangers.

GEORGE WASHINGTON United States, 17th September, 1796.

F25

THE

GEN. WASHINGTON'S ACCEPTANCE OF
COMMAND OF THE ARMY UNDER PRESIDENT ADAMS.

Mount Vernon, 13th July, 1798.

1. DEAR SIRI HAD the honor on the evening of the eleventh inftant, to receive from the hand of the secretary of war, your favor of the feventh, announcing that you had, with the advice and confent of the fenate, appointed me "Lieutenant general and commander in chief of all the armies raised, or to be raifed for the fervice of the United States."

2. I cannot exprefs how greatly affected I am at this new proof of public confidence, and the highly flattering manner in which you have been pleased to make the communication;

3. At the fame time I muft not conceal from you my earneft with, that the choice had fallen on a man lefs declined in years, and better qualified to encounter the usual viciffitudes of war.

4. You know, fir, what calculation I have made relative to the probable course of events, on my retiring from office, and the determination I had confoled myself with, of clofing the remnant of my days in my prefent peaceful abode;

5. You will therefore be at no lofs to conceive and appreciate the fenfations I must have experienced, to bring my mind to any conclufion that would pledge me, at so late a period of life, to leave scenes I fincerely love, to enter on the boundless field of public action, incellant trouble, and high refponfibility.

6. It was not poffible for me to remain ignorant of, or indifferent to, recent tranfactions. The conduct of the directory of France towards our country-their infidious hoftility to its government-their various practices to withdraw the affections of the people from it-the evident tendency of their acts and thofe of their agents, to countenance and invigorate oppofition their difregard of folemn treaties and the laws of nations-their war on our defencelefs commerce -their treatment of our minifters of peace, and their demands, amounting to tribute, could not fail to excite in me,

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