tory of the Hindoos, and a review of the manners and customs of the Hindoos, the two last by learned natives attached to the College. It also appears that Mr. W. LUMSDEN is engaged in a new Grammar of the Persian Language; and that Mr. CAREY and the other Baptist Missionaries have undertaken the translation, under the patronage of the Asiatic Society, of some of the most ancient and authentic works of literature in the Shancrit. A descriptive Catalogue of the books found in Tippoo Sultaun's library, has been completed by Captain CHARLES STEWART, and will be published in England. LIST OF NEW PUBLICATIONS. THEOLOGY. A SERMON preached at Holyrood Church, Southampton, on Sunday, August 10, 1806, on the Duty of Humanity towards the Irrational Part of the Creation; by the Rev. Charles Sluch Hawtrey, A. B. 1s. Salvation by Christ alone, a Sermon preached at Orange Street Chapel, Portsea, July 15th, 1506, by James Churchill, Ongar, Essex. A Charge delivered to the Clergy of the Diocese of Rochester, and published at their Request; by John Law, D.D. Archdeacon of Rochester. 1s. 6d. A plain and Affectionate. Address to the Parishioners of St. Martin's and All-Saints in Leicester, from the Rev. Thomas Vaughan, A.M. Is. 6d. Jewish Prophecy the sole Criterion to distinguish between genuine and spurious Scripture, a Discourse, by Francis Stone. 1s. 6d. A Sermon occasioned by the Cirenmstances of the glorious and decisive Victory of Trafalgar, and delivered on board his Majesty's Ship Britannia, at Sea, on Sunday, November 3, 1805; by Laurence Halloran, D. D. 2s. 6d. Thornton Abbey; a Series of Letters on Religious Subjects; with a Recommendatory Preface; by Mr. Andrew Fuller. 3 vols. 12mo. 12s, extra-boards. Instruction and Consolation to the Aged, the Sick, and the Dying; extracted from Sequel to the Rev. Adam Clarke's Abridg the Works of Richard Baxter; being a ment of his Christian Directory. 12mo. 2s, MISCELLANEOUS. Memoirs of the Life of the Right Honourable Charles James Fox. 2s. 6d. The Life of Dr. Priestley, by his Son, and au Account of his Writings and Opinions, by Mr. T. Cooper. 8vo. 9s. Dissertations on Man, Philosophical, Physiological, and Political, in Answer to Mr. Malthus's "Essay on the Principle of Population;" by J. Jarrold, M.D. 8vo. 10s. 6d. boards. Signs of the Times, a Dialogue in Verse. 1s. 6d. Travels from Buenos Ayres across the Continent of South America, by Potosi to Lima, performed in the Year 1790 and 1791, being the latest Travels through those Countries: with copious Notes by the Translator, containing authentic Descriptions of all the Spanish Possessions in South America, drawn from the last and best Authorities. By Anthony Zacharias Helms, formerly Director of the Mines near Cracow, in Poland, and late Director of the Mines and of the Process of Amalgamation in Peru, small octavo. 6s. The Religious Intelligence is deferred for want of room. VIEW OF PUBLIC AFFAIRS. GENERAL ELECTION. THE unexpected dissolution of parliament has induced us to postpone the notices which it was our inten tion to have given respecting the life and character of Mr. Fox, and to fill the space which these would have occupied, with reflections more immediately adapted to the present state of the kingdom, and which, if deferred, would probably come too late to be of use to any of our readers. While we deplore the evils usually attendant on general elec tions, we contemplate with much satisfaction the conciliating intercourse which they produce between the different ranks in society; by which the poor are made to feel the idea of political importance, and the rich are obliged to solicit and receive the possession of their darling object at the hand of their depend ents. None perhaps but they who have been eye-witnesses of the effect wrought on the human mind by the uninterrupted consciousness of dignity, power, and wealth; or by the unvaried sense of poverty, weakness, and depression, can duly estimate the beneficial effect of these periodical communications. For this remark we are indebted to an excellent writer, who has enriched the world with several valuable publications, and among the rest, with "An Enquiry into the Duties of Men in the higher and middle Classes of Society in Great Britain." This work we recommend to the serious perusal of all who wish to attain just views of their civil and so cial obligations. But the part with which we are more immediately concerned at the present moment, is that which respects the duties both of candidates for seats in the House of Commons, and of those who are entrusted by the constitution with the right of electing them. And here we trust we shall be excused by the author to whom we have alluded, if we lay before our readers a brief abstract of this portion of his work, as more likely to answer the purpose which we have in view, than any thing we could ourselves hope to furnish, even if it were not called for on the spur of the occasion. A member of the House of Commons then, in order to be fit for that situation, should possess an accurate knowledge of the natural rights of men, and the just foundations of civil government; of the British constitution; of the principles of finance and of commerce; of foreign politics and connections; and of internal police. He should also be characterized by patient industry, inflexible integrity, abhorrence of party spirit, watchfulness against the allurements likely to produce it, care to guard against prejudice, together with an earnest zeal to promote the good of this country and of mankind, by public exertions and private example. It is the first duty of every candidate for a seat in parliament, to consider, whether he actually and fairly possesses that pecuniary qualification which the spirit of the law requires, the evasive methods which are sometimes practised to satisfy the letter of the law on this subject being wholly unjustifiable. Having ascertained this point, let him seriously and impartially investigate his motives for becoming a candidate. And even if he should find that he is not actuated by ambition, pride, or any selfish passion, but by a desire to promote the public good; still he is bound to weigh against the services which he may hope to render to his country, the various evils of a contested election, if a contest is to be apprehended, both as they respect himself and the electors; the comparative good which his antagonist might be capable of effecting; and the temptations to which he may be exposed in the event, both of defeat and of success. In all his declarations to the electors, whether public or private, a conscientious candidate will strictly follow the dictates of honesty, and be content with the language of truth. He will conform, not merely to the letter, but to the spirit of every existing law respecting elections. He will not use either promises or menaces to procure votes. He will not employ superfluous agents with the view of gaining, by this indirect bribe, the votes of the persons employed. And whatever he would not openly do himself, he will not do in secret, or through the medium of others. He will not sanction by his connivance any improper expences, or any indefensible proceedings, on the part of his ad herents; on the contrary, he will protest beforehand against them, and make known his determination (a determination to which he ought resolutely to adhere) not to repay any illegal disbursements. He will avail himself of no unfair advantages, discountenance every kind of tumult, and all calumny, illiberality or rancour. He who acts this sincere and upright part, may hear the folly of his conduct lamented by his friends and derided by his enemies, and may lose some votes by it. He may however gain more. If not, it is better to act conscientiously and lose the day, than to gain it by acting otherwise. The main business of every man is to obtain the approbation of his Maker. To this end it is necessary that in all his conduct he should be pure, upright, and sincere it is not necessary that he should be a member of the House of Commons. When the contest is over, on whatever side the victory falls, he will strive to extinguish in himself and his friends the spirit of party, and the resentments which opposition is apt to kindle. He will also beware that no local custom, no inadvertence on his part, no persuasion on the part of others, shall lead him to remunerate his voters in any way contrary to the actual intention of the laws. With respect to the practice of purchasing a seat in parliament at a stipulated price, it appears to be altogether unjustifiable. It may not fall within the letter of the law, but it is in truth a flagrant act of bribery. As for him who accepts a seat from a person who, by burgage tenures or other means, can command it, under an engagement to vote as his patron shall prescribe; if there be any such, let not his situation be compared with that of an African slave. The latter is a slave by constraint, and would be disgraced by the comparison. The information which a candidate gives to his constitutents, respecting his leading political principles, ought to be clear, accurate, and full. With respect to particu lar measures, however, he ought to express, in general, only his present conviction, reserving to himself the liberty of voting as conscience shall prescribe at the time. ought he to pledge himself to con form to the instructions of his constituents. For a member of the House of Commons is to consider himself not as the mere deputy of those who send him thither, but as the joint representative of the whole people of Great Britain; and he is to be actuated in his decisions by a view to the welfare of the whole empire, and not to the interests of a small section of it. Were the principle of obedience to the instructions of constituents established, the im proper influence against which it is pretended that such a system would guard, would only be exercised in another place; not on persons in conspicuous stations, invested with responsibility, possessing ample means of intelligence, impelled by pride and love of reputation at least, if not by higher motives, to keep themselves pure, and little exposed to be hurried away by sudden phrenzy; but on agents obscure, irresponsible, servile ignorant, and unstable. The country would exhibit the picture of a perpetual general election. Be sides, the petty and corrupt electors of venal boroughs might thus obtain a ruinous preponderance in the national councils, while the weight and dignity of the House of Commons would be taken away. The same pains would no longer be taken to acquire political knowledge. The borough demagogue, and not the member of parliament, would be the man of importance. The public speaker, abandoning the House of Commons, would fly to the popular meeting, and there call his unin formed auditors to decide on the most intricate proceedings of govern ment, and the most complicated charges of delinquency. The confusion and ruin which would follow the adoption of such a system are obvious. At the same time it is the right of electors to communicate to their representatives their opinion of public measures, and on an important occasion it is their duty to do so. But still while a representative pays the utmost respect to such a communication, he ought to decide according to the best judgment which he himself can form. The expensiveness of elections is another evil which should be guarded against, because it tends to confine within narrow limits the choice of the electors; to transfer the right of election from the electors at large, to combinations of peers, or other rich men, or to a corrupt ministry, or by means of large subscriptions to the leading political parties of the day; to take away responsibility from members of parliament, and to render venality familiar to them; to enable men enriched by the plunder of distant regions, to introduce into parliament a band of adherents, by whose aid they may elude justice, and thus encourage rapacity; and to support factions, by increasing the number of needy members, who are peculiarly indisposed by their former affluence to brook the pressure of contracted circumstances. Many a victorious candidate, when he enters the House of Commons, -Stands as one escaped from cruel fight, Sore toiled, his riven arms to havoc hewn, And cloudy in aspect; and is under strong temptations to grasp at any remedy which promises to restore him to his former vigour. In private life the effects of the expensiveness of elections are no less injurious. Irritation leading to rooted animosity and hereditary purposes of retaliation and revenge; the misery of embarrassed circumstances; a diminution of domestic comforts; the education and settlement of children contracted; the humiliation of retrenchment; the various ruinous expedients adopted to conceal poverty; are some of its consequences to the candidate. But CHRIST. OBSERV. No. 58. its influence extends much farther. It promotes almost every kind of vice; supplies the materials of drunkenness with all its attendant evils; familiarizes the lower classes to profligacy and riot; injures commerce by encouraging idleness and intemperance; injures the national strength by ruining the health and morals ofthe subject; and injures the constitution, by extinguishing public spirit and virtuous principles, and by preventing good men from coming forward as candidates: and in all these ways it preys on the welfare, and endangers the stability of the empire. What has been said above, is more immediately addressed to members of parliament; although elec tors will find much of it applicable to themselves. It remains however to say a few words on the peculiar duties of the latter class. elective franchise is a trust conThe ferred for purposes of general utility, and to be employed with a view to that object. An elector who feels this will be determined in giving his vote, not by private friendship, by party spirit, by family attachments, or by selfish views; but by an upright regard to the state of public affairs, and to the abilities, but above all, to the integrity of the candidate. He is bound, in endeavouring to influence the votes of others, to employ only argument and honest persuasion, and not to force by menaces, either his tenants or his tradesmen to vote agreeably to his wishes. He is to take no unjus tifiable step, either before or during the election, to strengthen the inte rest of the person whom he espouses, either by underhand treating, by bearing a part in evasions on the score of bribery, exciting delusive expectations, or employing artifice and stratagem. He is to strive to repress all mobbing, drunkenness, and vice, and to discountenance all unfair proceedings, as well as all abuse and calumny. And he is to employ his influence with the candidate in preventing him from per4 Q Sisting with unavailing obstinacy in a hopeless contest. But there still remain one or two po ints on which we deem it the duty of electors to be satisfied, previously to their bestowing their support on any candidate. That all the Members returned to the House of Commojns should be men of christian pr nciples is perhaps hardly to be expected; but surely when an Elector is called to chuse between a man who disregards the laws and institutions of Christ, and one who respects them, no differences with regard to petty questions of ephemeral policy, ought to bias his vote. How much less ought the influence of such questions to be felt in cases where the candidate on one side has spread far and wide the poison of a profligate example, and is opposed by one who is cordially at tached to the cause of morality and true religion? This also may be expected from Electors calling themselves Christians, that they should return no man to parliament who is so hostile to religion as to be unwilling to discountenance by his vote those encroachments on the sanctity of the Sabbath, by marking it out as a day for military exercise, which have already produced such pernicious effects on the moral habits of the people. (See our No. for April last, p. 257.) One word more. The Slave trade still subsists and flourishes under the national sanction. We do not mean to enter largely on this point at present. Those of our readers, we trust there are none such, who remain unaffected by the damning proofs, which we have produced in various parts of our work, of the dreadful enormity of this trade in blood, are not likely to feel the force of any appeal which we could now make to their feelings. If they have perused with indiffe rence the recorded horrors to which this trade gives birth; if they have beheld without compunction or remorse "the oppression, rapine, conflagration, murder, and massacre which it produces in Africa; the disruption of those innumerable ties by which its sixty thousand annual victims were bound to their native soil; the various horrors of the middle passage; the sale of our fellow creatures like herds of cattle; their destination to a hopeless interminable bondage in a foreign land, where they are exposed to every species of indignity, reduced to the level of the brute creation, worked under the impulse of the lash of the cart-whip, denied in till the same race which is so proli many cases a sufficiency of food, cession of new labourers to mainfic at home, requires a constant achave beheld all this, (we repeat it), tain its wasted numbers* :" if they without compunction or remorse, what hope can now remain of im pressing their minds with the ideas which we entertain of the supreme importance of the subject? To those, however, whose feelings upon it respond to our own, and we trust that all our readers are of that num ber, we would say, that as far as the extinction of this nefarious traf fic is concerned, the present crisis is most momentous. A noble oppor tunity of extinguishing it is now afforded to the Electors of the United Kingdom. If that oppor tunity should be lost through their indifference to the loud and urgent claims of religion, of justice, and of humanity, the guilt which will attend the prolongation, perhaps for ages, of this gigantic evil, will be tinuance will not be the crime of come properly their own. Its conthe Legislature solely, but of the nation at large and this will be the case in a more aggravated degree, since the present Government *For another view of the cumulative proofs which support this statement, we refer our readers to a work just published Hatchard, entitled Substance of Debates by Phillips and Fardon, and sold also by on the Slave Trade, in both houses of parliament, on the 10th and 24th June, 1806, with notes. Price 2s. |