Ionian islands, it was in compliance with, was its conduct with regard to the liberty the general views of the allies and of Eur of the press ? That liberty in this country rope, that the British government had was subject to no restraints, but those taken those islands under its protection; which were necessary to the safety of the and he thought it must be felt, that go-government; and even with respect to vernment would not have done its duty, if that safety, how many instances might be it declined to accede to that proposition. found where writers were tolerated, while, And here he would ask those who talked to use a familiar phrase, they “sailed so much about the prevalence of a jealousy very near the wind" indeed. Yet such in Europe, against our maritime power, was the bigh and just estimate attached whether the voluntary surrender of these to the enjoyment of the liberty of the islands to this country afforded any ground press in Great Britain, that abuses of that to justify that opinion? It was, indeed, liberty were often overlooked, lest its im. a most gratifying proof of the general portance and utility should be impaired. confidence of the allies to place a people, But what was the system in France under so interesting for various reasons, under Buonaparté? Why, a censorship was estathe protection of this great and liberal blished, the functions of which were not nation; and he felt fully assured, that that confined to politics merely, but extended confidence would never be found to have to every description of writing. This been misplaced ; that Great Britain would censorship was, indeed, often exercised in do her duty towards those whom she un making a total alteration in the sentiments dertook to protect.

of a writer, and that, too, in the discussion In considering the whole of the great of moral and philosophical subjects-in transaction under discussion, he felt, he disquisitions upon topics unconnected with declared, the most sincere satisfaction, politics. But such was the rigour of the not only from a review of the object of system uniformly pursued by him, whose the great alliance of which we formed a whole object was the gratification of his part, but from a reflection upon the result. own will, in the establishment of a comThe object was, to put down the principle plete military despotism, and in rendering of universal empire and military despotism, man a mere machine. Thanks, however, which the power of France was so long to the manly perseverance of this country, employed to promote. Yes, he would and the distinguished valour of its allies, ever maintain, that a project of universal that abominable system was put down empire filled the mind and actuated the put down, too, by efforts on our part to efforts of him against whom this country which every quarter of the world bore had so long been compelled to wage war. honourable testimony-for what was the Views of aggrandisement were, indeed, quarter which had not been, in the course pursued by the French government, which of the war, the scene of some glorious were utterly inconsistent with the safety achievement for Great Britain ? of Europe. Yet those were the views of Now, as to the general merits of the Buonaparté, and of that revolution of treaty under consideration, he called upon which he was the champion. But he be their lordships to compare it fully with lieved that no rational being could now be any treaty recorded in our history. In found to entertain a doubt upon this sub former arrangements, at the conclusion of ject in any quarter of the world, namely, a war, it had often been represented, that that the views of the revolutionists and this country neglected to keep what she their principal captain were alike incon- had acquired, but in this instance he sistent with the general safety of Europe, rather apprehended, that however some and the establishment of real liberty. might suppose we had kept too much, it The defeat of such views must therefore could hardly be alleged that we had kept be grateful to every good man, while in too little. It had also been objected to the existing state of mental cultivation former arrangements, that the interests of there was every prospect of the improve our allies were sacrificed and our own ment and advance of rational liberty and obligations deserted; but all Europe borc the happiness of mankind. What a con- testimony to our good faith and genesolitary contrast did this present to the rosity on the present occasion. state and tendency of the late revolu- With respect to the difficulty and dis. tionary government of France ! That go tress complained of at present, he lavernment was, indeed, a systematically mented it most seriously, but he felt satisorganised despotism. What, for instance, fied that that difficulty and that distress

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could be only of short duration. Such to return to his royal highness our sin. distress, indeed, was usually found to cerest acknowledgments and thanks for follow the conclusion of every war; and the important and satisfactory. comto be generally most severe immediately munication which bis royal highness upon the conclusion of the most successful has been graciously pleased to make war. There were several men now living to us of the definitive treaty concluded at who must recollect the state of the coun- Paris, on tbe 20th of November last, with try upon the conclusion of the peace of his most christian majesty the king of 1763, which terminated a glorious and France and Navarre, together with the successful war. Yet such was then our various arrangements connected therewith, situation, that many doubted whether the by which the blessings of peace are restaxes would be sufficiently productive to tored to Europe: pay the interest of the public debt. But “ To assure his royal highness that we it 'must be the natural consequence of have witnessed, with equal admiration and peace, that the numbers who subsisted applause, the promptitude, unanimity, and upon a war expenditure should experience vigour, with which the allied forces were distress until capital took another direc- brought into the field at the outset of the tion, and the industrious habits which be- campaign, to which unexampled exertions, longed to a state of peace resumed their under Providence, is to be attributed the activity and influence. And here he early consummation of a victory by which thought it proper to observe, that, under the contest was at once brought to a sucthe circumstances of difficulty in which cessful close, and which may be justly rethe country was placed, it was most ma- corded as a triumph unparalleled in the terial, with a view to mitigate the pres- annals of war, both for its glories and for gure of that difficulty, that the suspension its results : of cash payments at the bank should not “ That, after the experience of the preat present be removed. Upon this point, ceding year, we fully approve the policy indeed, he remembered that a noble lord which determined his royal highness and with whom he had sometimes the honour his allies to found the recent peace upon to concur, and who professed to disap- a principle of salutary precaution.

principle of restriction “ That, whilst we express our satisfaceither in peace or war, still objected to the tion at the additional means of defence removal of that restriction immediately, provided for the future security of other upon the conclusion of peace, because he states, we cannot but rejoice to obthought that at that period such removal serve, that it has been found practicable would be peculiarly inexpedient. With to combine the measures which Europe that noble lord he fully concurred, that owed to its own safety with a system of the period alluded to would, for various just and liberal policy towards his most reasons, be a most improper time to christian majesty: choose for the removal of the restriction. “ That we fully appreciate the wisdom With regard to the peace establishment, which has guided his royal highness in cehe trusted it would be felt, that, under all menting at the close of the war, au alli. the circumstances, the establishment pro- ance which has conducted the contest in posed was peculiarly necessary. We were which we have been engaged to so auspiindeed called upon by every consideration cious an issue, and we trust that Europe, of policy to keep up a proper establish- under the vigilant protection of that alliment. This he had no doubt would be ance, may confidently look forward after the universal sentiment of the country, such severe exertions in war to reap, in when it was recollected, that with a popu- the enjoyment of repose, the fruits of its lation of from twenty-five to thirty mil. long and many sacritices. lions of people in France, too generally “ That on the justice and moderation infected by revolutionary feelings, it be- which his royal highness has proclaimed to hoved us to provide for the security of the Europe, as forming the basis of his coun. advantages which we had obtained, and cils, and which, we doubt not, will equally that in such circumstances a low ineffec- animate the councils of the other members tive establishment might be productive of of the alliance, we especially rely for refatal results. The noble earl concluded calling the world from the pursuits of war with moving,

may rely on the invariable support of this without more regard to the question of House, not only in maintaining principles birth than had been shown in our own reso congenial to our own sentiments, and volution, where the regular succession had to the genius of the constitution under been abandoned, for the sake of supplying which we have the happiness to live, a government legitimate by the laws and but also in giving effect to the several constitution of the country. What previengagements which his royal highness has ously existed in France was a military taken with his majesty's allies, trusting usurpation, inconsistent with the rights of that the result will correspond with the men ; what now was restored was consoenlightened views which his royal highness nant with the liberties and privileges of all has formed for the peace and security of classes. A final overthrow had now, he Europe.”

hoped, been given to the triumph of those Lord Grenville said, that on many points principles avowed during the French revoconnected with the treaties before the lution, which had for their object, not the House, he fully concurred with the noble maintenance, but the destruction of social earl; and on some others, in which he dis- order and happiness. Resembling only in agreed, he had repeated opportunities of name that memorable revolution of this stating his opinions, nor had subsequent country, by which all contests were deevents or reflection led him to retract or cided, all dissensions reco

econciled, and all to qualify those sentiments. When the wounds healed, the French revolution, usurper of France returned to resume his while it inflicted upon that devoted nation government, he had been driven to the a greater mass of misery than had ever bepainful but inevitable conclusion, that im- fore been endured, scattered desolation mediate war was required, and from this and anarchy over surrounding countries. conviction he had urged fresh preparations As a friend of liberty, therefore, he most On the part of Great Britain, and renewed ardently rejoiced in the destruction of exertions on the part of the allies; as the those detestable and slavish principles, and danger was imminent, the necessity was in the restoration of social order and a reurgent. In all, therefore, that had fallen presentative government. The great abfrom the noble earl upon the justice of stract questions that might have arisen those hostilities, and in the warmest tribute upon these treaties, were now narrowed to that could be paid to the glorious mode in a mere inquiry relative to the interests of which they had been terminated, he most Great Britain : and those parts of the treacordially joined: the result, indeed, had ties which guaranteed the maintenance far exceeded his most sanguine expecta of tranquillity were as much the subject of tions, however great had been his reliance his eulogy as of the noble earl's, because upon the gallantry of the forces, or upon all men must agree, that in them the hapthe skill of the general by whom they piness of this country was more peculiarly were commanded. Having thus urged consulted. the commencement of war, he rejoiced at The first point that naturally arose out its conclusion; and in proportion to that of this part of the subject was, whether satisfaction was his hope, that the peace we had a right to interfere for the more conquered by the arms might be secured effectual attainment of this object; and it and established by the government of was his firm conviction, that not only the Great Britain. He trusted no less happiness, but the safety of England, dethat ministers would take care that the pended upon the interposition of foreign people should enjoy the real blessings powers in this respect. He begged the of tranquillity, as a reward for the suffer- | House to advert to the Revolution of ings they had so long and so patiently cn 1688, the principles of which would dured. 'He rejoiced, no less than the no- amply justify any steps this government ble earl, that a legitimate government had might take with regard to France, in order been once more established in France- \ to prevent the possibility of a speedy renot mere legitimacy of birth, but in the newal of hostilities. Did not our great true understanding of the word, that legi- deliverer, with no vested right, and no timacy which was founded upon the prin- claim to the Crown but the people's will, ciples of the constitution, upon the condi- Land upon the British shores with a foreign tion of the people, and upon a due regard army? He thought thật not only the into the various ranks and divisions of so- terest of this country, but the safety of ciety. In that sense he held the present Europe, depended upon his measures. government of France to be legitimate, He came to drive away an odious tyrant That the ge

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and the pensioners of France. He claim- have relinquished, or it was idle that her ed to be in his own words, vindex securi- minister should attend deliberations in tatis Europe, assertor libertatis Britanniæ; which she had no concern. and it was for some time a matter of doubt, neral security and independence of Èuwhether it would not be necessary for rope was to her a matter of the first maghim to do that which of late had been so nitude, he would be the last to assert; for, severely reprobated, namely, to call in that the continent could be enslaved while the aid of a foreign army for the final England was free, was a notion that could establishment of the liberties of the coun- not enter the imagination of the wildest try. In the present case, as the war was politician. The questoin regarding the necessary, it was just, and the conqueror Netherlands was to her of the utmost conhad a right, by the law of nations, to im- sequence; but what importance could be pose upon the conquered such terms as attached to the possession of the Ionian iswould prevent the recurrence of the evil, lands, he could not conjecture, unless they for the remedy of which the war was un. were to be used as an excuse for the enordertaken. For these reasons, upon this mous military establishment that ministers important point he had never entertained were endeavouring to maintain. In his an opinion opposite to that of the noble lordship's judgment, not a regiment, not a earl; and upon some of the minor ques- single British soldier, ought to be stationed tions, respecting the restoration of the in them; and the only reason yet assigned monuments of art plundered in the spirit was of rather a singular nature that beof the most uncivilized barbarism, he had cause those islands were to enjoy the beentertained as little doubt. The pro- nefits of British dominion, they were, like priety of returning them to their real the parent state, to be afflicted with a owners did not depend upon the intrinsic standing army, value of the objects themselves, but upon

Here the noble lord took a comprehenthe importance attached to them by the sive view of the reasons which should have vanity and vain-glory of the actual pos- urged the allies materially to abridge the sessors. The motive that had induced territory of France upon the conclusion of the French to concentrate these works the peace. The necessity of such an in Paris was not a love and reverence of the abridgment should indeed have particuarts ; they had been seized and borne larly occurred to the government of this away as the spoil, and in the insolence of country: for the events not only of the conquest: their pride was gratified by this last twenty-five years, but the experience humiliation of mankind. The exaltation of a century and a half, demonstrated that of themselves by the debasement of other necessity with a view to the peace and senations was the ruling principle of French curity of Europe. It was quite a mockery revolutionary policy; and in this view it to say that we should have declined to became a matter of moment to remove press for that abridgment from any delithis food for vanity, which, instead of cacy towards the king. France waged satisfying, only excited a fresh appetite war against us, and when victorious, it was for conquest and domination. By this our policy and duty to have made such removal, also, amoralỊlesson had been read provisions as might serve to secure the futo the people of France on the respect ture and permanent tranquillity of Europe, due to property, while the dignity and whether peace were concluded with independence of the other nations of Eu- Fouche, or Carnot, or the king; and these rope had been effectually asserted. His provisions could not be made with effect lordship even regretted that, by the delay without reducing the territorial possessions of this retribution, a shadow of doubt had of France: yet the favourable opportunity been cast upon its justice. He wished for such reduction was lost. The extent that it had been made one of the articles of the French power was exorbitant, and of the capitulation of Paris. The exercise ought to be diminished; but speaking of of the right of conquest would thus have the contest in which the allied powers had spared the king the pain and odium of an been recently engaged, it was seen that unwilling resignation. .

every power of Europe had armed itself at The noble earl had said much upon the all points, no: as if the liberty of each indisinterested conduct of Great Britain, dividual state was at stake, but the liberty more particularly in the negociations at of all was to be decided by the issue of the Vienna ; but either this country had ob- tremendous contest. If it were true, that jects to attain which she ought not to what was called the balance of power was

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necessary to the security and repose of prising spirit of France at that point, it Europe, he would ask, whether that desir- had been now totally neglected. So able object was secured by the treaty of conscious was the emperor of Austria of its Utrecht? Most certainly it was not. weakness, that when he had an opportunity Every man knew that the foundation of of resuming his dominion over the Netherthat 'inordinate power which rendered lands, he declined it, tempting as it was to France conspicuous for her military prowess, him in every point of view, because he was laid rather by the principles produced knew the difficulty of retaining his sway. by the personal vanity of her rulers, than As matters at present stood, the king of the desire of promoting the happipess of the Netherlands was left in so unprotected their people, and the true glory of their a state, that his very capital could be taken nation. It was the personal vanity of by a French army in a few days. But Louis 14 and the like motives of Buona- what was the apology for this want of cauparté, that heaped so much unhappiness tion? Why, it was said, that to exact any and misery upon the French nation, by territorial cessions, would inflict such a that detestable military spirit which they wound, that the people of France would had respectively encouraged. A principle never forget so great an injury; that it which was invariably promoted and in- would endanger the peace of Europe, and dulged at the expense of some neighbour. afford a pretext for the renewal of war at It was an eternal disgrace to this country no distant period. What! was it putting that we had not used those means which an injury upon France to make her give we had in our power, at the treaty of up those territories, which had been acUtrecht, of restoring the independence of quired by blood, by slaughter, and the Europe. We had sacrificed the happir.ess most hideous crimes ? But really the and security of Europe, for petty commer- apology was quite fallacious; for if it was cial advantages of our own. From that from tenderness to the feelings of the period up to the present, we never had French people that this moderation was such an opportunity of asserting that shown, how came it that she was compelled which ought to be the glory of this country to pay a contribution towards the ex

we never had such an opportunity of penses of the war—a condition of all others curbing the invincible ascendancy of France. the most humiliating? And how came it At a late period, indeed, that opportunity that she was to have an army of 30,000 Bri. had again presented itself, but it was again tish soldiers, not only quartered in the heart neglected. Why was this done? The of their country for five years, but that they noble earl said, that the abstinence of go. were to maintain those troops at their own vernment upon this subject proceeded from expense ? If such a doctrine as this was a liberal policy. The liberal policy of this carried to the extent now contended for, country ought to consist in providing se- it must go this length, that the ill-gotten curity for the nations of Europe against territory of France in times of prosperity, those aggressions which had nearly over- and in the plenitude of her power, must whelined them. But he denied that this never be restored, when, by the interposiliberal policy had been pursued on this oc- tion of Providence, she was reduced to sue casion. It had always been considered as for mercy from those nations she had so a matter of the most pressing policy, to much injured, truly, lest her feelings should unite the powers situate on the northern be hurt, and her pride humbled !

Such a frontier of France, as a means of imposing doctrine as this he should ever deprecate; a barrier against the paramount power of for it was the very opposite of that which that enterprising nation. This arose from formed the leading motive for carrying on the unjust aggressions of Louis 14, who, the late war. For his own part he did not without a shadow of right, made himself approve the policy of compelling France

, master of those territories.

England, to pay a contribution, not because he was Holland, and Germany were interested in unwilling that she should be humbled, but guarding against the encroachments of from a conviction, that it would be the France in that quarter. History had occasion of heaping more miseries upon a shown how vulnerable that barrier was to people who must already be ground down the French arms, when the humour of the by the devastations aad the ruinous exmonarchs of that country prompted them pense of a long protracted war without at to invade it. But, notwithstanding the taining any solid advantage to Europe. examples which history afforded of the As a measure of policy, it was inconsistent necessity of guarding against the enter with the principle laid down by the noble (VOL. XXXII.)

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