HOUSE OF LORDS.

Friday, February 28.

The royal affent was given by commiffion to the bill for continuing the Sufpenfion of the Habeas Corpus Act, to the Scotch Distillery Bill, and to three private bills.

It was ordered, on the motion of Lord Auckland, that the refolutions of the 20th inftant, refpecting economy in the confumption of bread, flour, &c. be printed from time to time.

HOUSE OF COMMONS.

Friday, February 28.

The House received a meffage defiring their attendance in the House of Peers, on which they attended; and on their return, the Speaker acquainted the Houfe that the royal affent was given by commiffion to the bill for Sufpending the Habeas Corpus Act, to the Scotch Diftillery bill, and to three private bills.

In the Committee of Supply, the fum of 200,000l. was voted as a grant for enabling the Commiffioners to liquidate the national debt. The Report was ordered to be received on Monday.

In the Committee of Ways and Means the Chancellor of the Exchequer moved, that the fum of three millions, paid into the Exchequer for the renewal of the charter of the Bank of England, fhould be applied towards the fupply. The refolution was agreed to, and the Report ordered for Monday.

Sir JOHN ANDERSON prefented a petition, figned by 1619 Liverymen of London; fetting forth, "That the petitioners deeply lament the calamities infeparable from a ftate of war, more particularly thofe which have arifen from the prefent conflict, feeing not only the honour, but the very existence of all that is dear to a nation, depends upon its fuccefsful termination; and that at a common hall of the Livery of London, affembled on the 19th inftant, a petition was voted to the House, containing fentiments not founded in fact, and confequently repugnant to the feelings of the petitioners, for which reafon they have diffented, and do diffent therefrom; for they deny that a series of the most melancholy events and unexampled misfortunes have attended His Majesty's arms. on the contrary, surrounding nations bear teftimony to the zeal and bravery of His Majefty's troops, and the world looks with aftonish

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ment and admiration on the success which has every where attended the British navy; nor can the petitioners attribute to the war the fcarcity arifing from an uncommonly bad scafon; nor is it poffible for them to admit as a fact the affertion, that destructive expeditions have produced the most serious effects upon the commerce and manufactories of the country, as they well know both to be in a moft flourishing fituation; and that, anxioufly defirous as the petitioners must be for the return of tranquillity, yet it is a duty which they most readily follow, to fubmit to the wisdom of the House and His Majefty's Executive Government, the measures, the time, and 'the means for procuring to the nation a just and permanent peace; for all which the petitioners moft humbly pray."

The petition was ordered to lie upon the table.

Lord SHEFFIELD renewed his obfervations on the general diftress of the country arifing from the alarming scarcity, and faid that, from the variety of opinions of different men on the remedy, he was at present at a lofs to come to any decifion on the fubject. It was his intention, as foon as poffible, to be explicit on it, as the danger of delay was more and more to be apprehended, left it might (from any overfight of those whofe duty it was to propofe effectual remedies) lead men into extravagancies, which might endanger their lives. He hoped he should be able to obtain a more effectual relief from instituting an inquiry, and promised to bring forward his plan on Tucfday next.

Mr. TIERNEY then, prefatory to a motion refpecting the reftoration of Monarchy in France, fpoke to the following effect:"Sir, if I do regret that the noble Lord has deferred bringing forward a motion which must be interefting to all of us, ftill I have to attribute it to the notice of that motion given yesterday by his Lordship, that, on this evening, more than on other occafions when I have had the honour of addreffing you, there is a full attendance of Members. I am happy, Sir, to obferve it so, because I am quite certain no question is more truly important than that which is involved in the motion I am to fubmit to you this night. It is true the question is not entirely a new one; it has been debated over and over again, in different forms, and under most trying circumfances. And when I confider that the fubject has been very fully difcuffed on former occafions, if the impreflion of gentlemen's arguments, as they affected me, had correfponded with the feelings difclofed by the gentleman over against me-if the views opened to my mind had been the fame as thofe apparently exhibited to the minds of others, I certainly would not trouble the Houfe on this occafion.

But from all confideration of the fubject-from all re

collection of what is paft-from all I know of the fituation of this country-from what is known, indeed, to every man, not only of the fituation of this country, but the whole of Europe, I conceive myself called on to bring the Houfe to a decifion, if to a decifion it can be brought on such a subject to a definitive vote as to the genuine object and the real principle of the war in which unfortunately, along with the greater portion of Europe, we are engaged. His Majefty's Ministers have been called on, times out of number, to name to the House and the country what is the actual object for which they contend. Nothing diftinct and conclufive is to be drawn from them on this point. They attempt to define it; but they rather, crowd the question with incongruous explanations, than fatisfy and convince any thinking mind. We have heard them afked, if this be a war for the restoration of Monarchy in France; and the answer has been, that that most undoubtedly is nearest the wishes and most in the thoughts of His Majefty's Ministers. But we have again heard it denied, that the inference is fair, from any thing the honourable gentlemen have faid, that the war is carried on for the restoration of Monarchy in France. For myfelf I do believe in my confcience it is carried on for no other purpose. I have been told it was carried on for fecurity. I do not perfectly understand what it is gentlemen really mean by fecurity. They think that a war of fecurity, which poffibly I confider a war of infecurity; they think that a good caufe, which I confider a moft cruel contest. When, therefore, they tell us that the war is carried on for fecurity, I own it does not fatisfy me, because it is a most loofe mode of stating any object. Certainly it is a popular thing enough to talk of fecurity. Certainly nothing can be a better ground of war than fecurity. No man will on fuch abstract points think of diffenting from the right honourable gentleman. But it would be just as plaufible for Spain to declare before all Europe, that she will not make peace with us until we give up Gibraltar, because the poffeffion of Gibraltar may be neceffary to the fecurity of that nation or in us, on the other hand, it had been as just to infift on the furrender of Gibraltar when in poffeffion of Spain, because we confidered the poffeffion of it by us as neceffary to our fecurity. Security may be urged by every nation with equal propriety, as the pretext for continuing expensive and ruinous wars. The right honourable gentleman has availed himself of a phrafe which undoubtedly founds well, and is in itself grateful to mankind; but with him, when talking to us of fecurity, it is only ufing an indirect method of evading the giving a diftinct answer to a most important queftion. I am afraid, Sir, this language fubjects me to fome hazard of being

misunderstood. Indeed I have been in more than one inftance accused of entertaining fentiments which it would be honourable to no Englishman to cherish. I know it has been faid, that my object is not the fecurity of this country, that I do not exclufively defire to witnefs the fuccefs of measures undertaken to give fafety to Europe, but that all I ftruggled to achieve, all I am folicitous of aiding, is the prefervation of the Republic of France. Such affertions are loofe, and it is eafy to refute them. As to my fentiments refpecting the form of Government exifting in France-as to what áre not my opinions on the wisdom or the folly of wifhing for the prefervation of the Republic, gentlemen are aware that it is not neceffary to go into thofe fubjects in the Houfe of Commons. But whatever are those fentiments, whatever may be thofe opinions, I do fay, there is no man, in this Houfe or out of it, more attached to the Monarchy of this country than I am. It is a part of the Conftitution. It is effential to the existence of Freedom amongst us ; and the rights of the people are only well guarded, while that great branch of our standing polity is endowed with its legitimate vigour, is invefted with its proper authority, is poffeffed of its rightful power. My veneration for our Monarchy is no fashion that I have adopted for convenience, it is not affectation; it has grown up with me, being part of that education which, as an Englishman, has taught me to value not a single part only, but the whole of the constituted authorities of the empire. I am, therefore, Sir, from education and from habit attached to our Monarchy. But it follows not from thence, that I am to be in love with the Houfe of Bourbon. I think I cannot revere that Houfe, and preferve my loyalty to the Houfe of Hanover. The interefts of the two families are marked and distinct, but not either more marked or more distinct than they are remote and different. I hope, therefore, it will not be repeated this night, that I am wanting in every proper fentiment of affection for the Monarch-that I am unmindful of the interests of my country. If I am arraigned on thofe points at all, let it not be in the form of detached and indirect accufations; but rather let gentlemen have the kindness to exhibit their charges under an aspect that will at leaft render it not uncertain what is the accufation, fo that I may have an opportunity of meeting it directly. Thus much, Sir, it was neceffary for me to attempt, to difpofe the House to give me credit as wishing well to my country, and to its cause, however we may differ as to the means of promoting its welfare. With respect to the motion which I fhall prefently take the liberty of fubmitting to you, the object of it is, to bring the House to a vote on that declaration in the note of Lord Grenville, which avows the

object of the war to be the restoration of the hereditary line of Princes. Gentlemen may fay what they please in their speeches, but that paper is not to be answered by words uttered with warmth here; not by petulant, ill-judged and vapid declamation; not by florid and impaffioned eloquence; it is only to be answered by a public document. The vote of this Houfe difclaiming that rafh, and, as I must ever confider it, most impolitic declaration, would be an authority that could not fail to fatisfy all men'; it would pafs current in this country, in France, and throughout Europe, as the recorded renunciation, by the British Parliament, and by the British Minifter, of the wildest project that ever was cherished by ambition -of the most unjust principle that ever was avowed by any Government. Wherever that memorable ftate-paper has been read with attention, the inference I am fure was inevitable, that in truth His Majesty's Ministers have genuinely no entire object for which they would think it worth the risk to contend, except the restoration of Monarchy in France. That the paper has been much read out of doors, I do not doubt; and that it was read univerfally with disapprobation of its principal topic, I as little doubt. In this House it

has been read attentively, or not read at all. If it has been read with an even unbiaffed mind, the deduction from it must have been as I have stated; prejudice, and the attachments of party, give indeed a colouring and glow to the fubjects, in the contemplation of which that prejudice and those attachments are to be fharpened and exerted a colouring which will cause a total misapprehenfion of the character of all opinion, a glow which is to dazzle but to deceive, when confidering the tendency of any measure. The right honourable gentleman, with an entire dominion over language, is fo gifted, that even the most direct and conclufive arguments, re-stated by him, are to lose their genuine nature, and to affume, to fuperficial thinkers, a form that is to cut them off from all relation to that body of reasoning of which they originally formed a part. It was by fuch means that he fucceeded on many occafions in attempts to mislead this Houfe. By fuch means has he so often, and with fuccefs, rallied Parliament on his fide, while afking for fupplies to carry on a war, the real object of which he has with fo much caution disguised or concealed. I always wished to hear it avowed in language, that the people of England, that all Europe, could understand what was that real object. But never, until the difcuffion for the vote for the fubfidies to Ruffia, did the right hononrable gentleman speak out. On a recent occafion, indeed, he has thought proper to declare his opinion of the propriety of carrying on the war for the restoration of the Houfe of Bourbon.

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