what the noble lord on the woolfack had faid would have changed his opinion had it been different; and as the law must be revised, he hoped that minifters would attend to it, and introduce a bill more adequate to the object.

The bill, having been read a third time, was paffed.

The reputed fuccefs attending the écoles militaires in France had rendered it long an object with miniftry to eftablish fomething of a fimilar inftitution in England. On its propriety in a trading and manufacturing country, and defended as we are by wooden bulwarks, which we truft will ever be impregnable, it is not our prefent business to treat; and therefore to the arguments urged in the debate, we fhall, without further preface, refer our readers.

On Monday, June 8th, the house of commons having refolved itself into a committee of fupply,

The secretary at war faid, his duty was to address them on his majesty's meffage relative to a military college. He would only shortly itate the object:-to inftruct youth in the profeffion of arms, military tactics, and in each science which might render them skilful officers. War being now unfortunately a fcience, its ftudy must be regarded for the defence of this country against other nations, and the ftates neglecting it had been all reduced to fubjection. This inftitution was more needful, from the diftinction between the navy and army. In the former, nautical fcience was neceffary for their daily duty; nor could they obtain a lieutenancy without a ftrict examination. Not fo in the army: a youth of fixteen, quite ignorant of military fcience, from a public fchool, obtained a commiffion, and

was fent to join his regiment, where no further knowledge was to be had. He commended the courage of the British army warmly, and the conduct of the royal commander-in-chief. The army, however ftrong and courageous, without kill would be ufelefs, efpecially now, when the greater part of Europe were our enemies through envy, and furrounded by rebellion as we were, when even a peace would be only an armed truce. He then moved that "a fum not above 30,000l. be granted his majefty for building a military college."

Mr. Jones did not object to the motion, but thought the like inftitution needful for the navy.

Mr. Martin was surprised at the fecretary's allufion to a public standing army. He wished Old England had nothing but her navy and militia for defence.

The fecretary at war faid this measure had nothing to do with a ftanding army, as this and the army might be difcontinued at pleasure.

Mr. Wilberforce fupported the motion, which was agreed to.

The fecretary at war said the number of foldiers' children for education was to be increased from five hundred to one thoufand:-20,000l. was already granted, and 8000l. more would be fufficient: the whole would not exceed 20,000l. annually. It was difgraceful for foldiers to contribute to it: the fums given by them fhould now cease. He then moved that not more than 84721. os. 9d. be granted to enlarge the premises and increase the inftitution for foldiers' children,

Mr. Windham said this was his plan of laft year, and he was glad to find it on a larger fcale. He approved the foldiers' exemption from contribution.

Mr.

Mr. Wilberforce asked what its precife nature was?

The secretary at war said it was for educating foldiers' children, a preference being had to orphans.

Mr. O'Hara difapproved any diftinction between foldiers and their fellow-fubjects.

Dr. Laurence thought it unconftitutional to divide foldiers from their fellow-citizens; but as a meafure of public humanity he would not oppose it.

The fecretary at war faid, boys of fourteen might be either foldiers or tradefmen, as they chofe.The motion was put and agreed

to.

On Wednesday, June 10th, the report of a committee of fupply for a military feminary and afylum for foldiers' orphans was brought up. The first refolution being read,

General Walpole difapproved the meafure, which would only increase the influence of the crown, and ruin the constitution, by rendering the country altogether military. No fuch establishment exifted when our military fame was at the higheft, and the duke of Marlborough was victorious; therefore unneceffary for the country's fuccefs. It would better become ministers to facrifice their difpofal of military preferments; to advance officers folely on their merits and services; and to encourage them in military science by certain rewards, enforcing ftrict refponfibility without hurting the conftitution.

Colonel Wood diffented totally. He allowed the utmost height of military glory in this country when no fuch inftitution exifted. But times were much changed. The enemy's power was increased, and we acted against an armed nation; their principles and ambi

tion required new measures againft both. He therefore fupported the bill.

The fecretary at war ftated, that the bill had been propofed on full deliberation, being defired by the commander-in-chief and the ableft officers. If properly regulated, no danger could enfue from it. He allowed that our armies had acquired great glory without it: but the queftion was, whether ftill greater glory and kill would not be obtained with it? It was indifputable that great attention had been paid lately to the most deferving officers.

Mr. Whitbread thought that, allowing the merit of the institution, its expenfe was much greater than the object would authorife. He alfo objected its giving too great power to the commander-in-chief. The proposed vote of 30,000l. was merely to cover the prefent expense. The whole was estimated at 67,000l. and a large annuity for the inftitution, which the prefent diftreffed ftate of the country could not afford. He owned that the bill came from high authority, the commander-in-chief, but that did not induce his confent to it. He thought that, by joining this plan with that of Woolwich, it might be effected. Befides, though the prefent expense was great, in future it might prove much greater, and beyond calculation.

The fecretary at war obferved, that annexing this inftitution to Woolwich would not fave expenfe, but produce great inconveniences. He could not engage that the expenfe would exactly correfpond with the eftimate, which was made out by an able officer, colonel Markham, whofe accuracy he could safely truft.

Mr. Grey faid he had expreffed

his diffent in the committee. Gentlemen fupported the measure on a partial ground, confidering its utility, but not its evils. The glory of the army was allowed without fuch an inftitution; but now new means of fecurity were fuppoled neceffary. Great as the military powers of the French now were, they were not greater than when directed by a Turenne, a Condé, a Villars, Catinat, and Berwick. Did the French power now alarm us? He allowed it augmented much of late, but not greater than when Marlborough fruftrated Louis XIV's ambitious defigns. Were the views of France more alarming now than formerly? It might be faid that it now aimed at the deftruction of our liberties and religion. He would afk what was Louis XIV's chief object? Was it not the establishment of arbitrary power and popery, by reftoring James II. In all refpects France then feemed as formidable as now: but we thought not of combating the danger thus; yet our arms were eminently glorious. Then the defence of the country from the plans against its religion and liberties was left to its courage and zeal. Let the fame be done now, and the refult would be the fame. The fame courage and fpirit had lately been difplayed. Leave the people their liberties; they would not be wanting to defend them. The prefent meafure would not improve officers in military science as much as was fuppofed. In other profeffions, fkill was not wanting, because merit was fure of encouragement. Emulation was fufficient for advancement in law, phyfic, architecture, and other fciences:-in the army the fame. Several able generals appeared in the parliament's army in Charles the Firft's

reign, without military education, whofe fkill must have refulted from ambition. In later times, how were the French generals formed? Not in military schools: their kill came from experience, and military fcience was promoted by rewards. Thefe had defeated the Austrians, and generals trained in the art. As to the affertion of Mr. Yorke, that lately more attention was paid to the promotion and employment of able officers, he knew not enough of the patronage of the army to decide on the fubject. He knew of fome inftances of officers promoted over others, folely on rank and family influence. As to the expense of this inftitution, it seemed very large and oppreflive. No fecurity was given that it might not be much greater. The houfe was told to think this trifling, because not greater than the erection of a barrack. Barracks were unknown till lately. When first proposed, the house was told of their great convenience and fmall expense; but gentlemen might not be aware that they coft more than two millions. What fecurity that this measure would not be equally expenfive? His main objection was its danger to the conftitution; for this measure, viewed with others, gave strong fufpicion of this being made a military country. He believed that three hundred boys of the lower clafs only were to be educated at this fchool, which might become generally fashionable for youths of high expectation. Then what would be the habits and opinions of thefe young men?-Not only the highest in the army, but in the civil eftablishment, when they fhould come forward in life.-Submiffion only to their fuperiors, habits of command, and impatience of dif

obedience,

would

obedience, characterise their tempers-dispositions inconsistent with the free constitution of this country. As to an asylum for soldiers' children, he fully approved it, and was glad to hear they were not all to be military. This would be repugnant to Christianity, and inconsistent with the British constitution. He remarked also on the time the measure was brought forward. At the beginning of the session, when the failure of the expedition to Holland, and those of Ferrol and Cadiz, were fresh in mind, no such plan was proposed: now, at the close, when our arms were distinguished by the most heroic courage and excellent discipline, this measure was introduced. When needed, it was not mentioned. At any rate, such an expense should be deferred till the country had recovered itself from war. Its officers had been trained in the best school, that of experience, in the course of nine years; therefore the measure was unnecessary, and years must pass ere we should want officers again. He was sorry to hear Mr. Yorke, respecting peace on a former night; namely, that we could not hope for one sincere and solid, but only an armistice; convenient only at present, but not allowing the reduction of our force. He hoped when peace was made, no more jealousy would exist be tween the two nations: this peace would be as solid, secure, and permanent, as any concluded with a rival nation.

The secretary at war explained, stating, that his language respecting the peace had been misrepresented by Mr. Grey. He said only, that at present we could not hope for a sincere peace-at best only a hollow, suspicious, and armed peace. He said, that, according to

1801.

Mr. Grey's own expression, we ought to be more than ever jealous of France. This was the policy and system of our wisest and best administrations, and the best that could be pursued. He wished the British officers as superior to the French in military science, as they certainly were in courage, honour, zeal, and loyalty.

Mr. James Martin disapproved the measure entirely, even the asylum for soldiers children. He was convinced that all thu educated must become soldiers. This he regarded as an hereditary military cast in the country, and a gross violation of its constitution. He thought our proceedings for several years past had tended to its destruction, and the substitution of a military government.

Sir William Elford supported the measure, arguing that all the influence Mr. Grey had assigned to emulation would be answered thereby.

Mr. Hussey warmly opposed it. He averred, that though the army might be improved by this institution, he should dislike an army composed from it. This college was to give military science to the pupils: he asked if our colleges in general taught science?-he believed but few would say so. He thought the promotion of military science should be left solely to emulation. He opposed such measure twenty years ago, which was then given up. This should meet his opposition in every stage.

The secretary at war showed a difference between the present case and that alluded to. As to the patronage of the proposed bill, the thirty staff-officers were to be appointed by the commander-in-chief; in the junior class, fifty by the EastIndia company from among their

R

Cadettes;