1400-1403]

THE PERCYS DESERT HENRY.

21

appearances calculated to mislead, it would duke on the throne; his object with regard to be well to pause before concluding that the succession was, that it should continue in Northumberland had at that moment fully the line in which it had been settled by determined that Richard should be dethroned. declaration of Parliament. For it should not pass unnoticed, that, though It is manifest that, when the deposition was all the Percys appeared to be agents in this resolved upon, Northumberland's views were business, they strenuously denied that they at directed towards the earl of March, that he first entertained any such design. In their exerted himself to keep Henry to his oath, and challenge sent to Henry IV. before the battle crossed his attempts to prove his immediate of Shrewsbury, they reminded him, that they pretensions by surreptitious means. Strong

had originally associated under an agreement that he was to be restored to his rights, and that Richard was still to reign under certain restrictions for the term of his life. It is a satisfaction to reflect in behalf of Sir Thomas Percy in particular, that he might understand this to have been the plan of reform to which his brother and nephew, and the duke of Lancaster, had mutually agreed. Henry, on his part, confirmed with a solemn oath his assurance that he would lay claim to nothing but his own. Such was the state of affairs when they were all at Chester, and the king was at Conway; and when they concluded that nothing could be done unless they got possession of his person.

But whether it may be considered that the earl himself was clear in his motives on this point or otherwise, it must not be imagined that, because he had lent his aid to redress the duke's grievances, and, unintentionally or designedly, to the deposition of Richard, he therefore purposed that Henry should be set up in his stead. Proof is not wanting that when he saw that Henry was likely to outwit him, and that those who had the upper hand were determined Richard should be set aside, and that the popular clamour was for placing the

traces of their dissension and altercation are visible in his homely narrative. The matter could not have been settled without much debate between them. Henry's ambition, and the plans of those who sided with his aspiring designs, however, prevailed; the Percys had at his instigation dismissed their force, and the numbers were on the usurper's side. But the struggle for Edmund Mortimer continued to the very evening of the day preceding that on which Henry challenged the crown.

un

To be indebted to a subject for the crown, is to incur an obligation which gratitude can never return, and for which no requital will be deemed adequate. The sovereign, dissatisfied with the remembrance of a debt so extinguishable, and jealous of the power that conferred it, will be always prone to measure the respect, to misconceive the conduct, to suspect the intentions, and to dread the versatility of his benefactor. The subject, disproportionately elevated in his self-opinion by an evidence so an evidence so fatal of his own power and influence, which few could temperately bear, will be unreasonable in his expectations of requital, irritated by every appearance of indifference, and indignant at any hesitation in granting favours which he chooses to ask, however

improper or inconvenient. Solicitation from younger brother, was not crookbacked, neither such an individual, is in effect a demand. The maimed, but the comeliest person of England, delay or refusal of the concession, will be except his brother Edward, wherefore that thought an insult and a wrong. Hence, chronicle which King Henry so put forth was Northumberland and his family could not avoid annulled and reproved. seeming presumptuous, intruding, insatiable, and dangerous to Henry; while he would be always supposed by them to be ungrateful, envious, treacherous, and malignant. The recollection of the deceit which Northumberland practised upon Richard would also preclude all confidence in his future demeanour, however specious or even truly honourable. Yet they temporised until neither party could longer endure it. Northumberland could act with great violence where his pride was wounded; and he considered himself as both aggrieved and insulted by what the king had done, and made no secret of his feelings. Causes of decided animosity were not wanting to produce an open rupture which led to his ruin; but the real ground of suspicion and dislike can be traced back to the time when Henry assumed the crown. In the statement recorded by Hardyng, that ancient grudge is disclosed as the fountain-head of all subsequent bickerings and quarrels.

Hardyng gives the substance of a conversation which he had with the earl of Northumberland after the latter had entered upon his career of opposition to Henry.

"For as much as many men have been mistaken, and yet stand in great error and controversy, holding adverse opinions, how that Edmund, earl of Lancaster, Leicester, and Derby, the elder son of King Henry the Third, was "crookbacked," unable to be king, for the which Edward his younger brother was made king by his assent, as some men have alleged, by an untrue chronicle feigned in the time of King Richard the Second by John of Gaunt, Duke of Lancaster, to make Henry his son king, when he saw he might not be chosen for heir apparent to King Richard:

"For I, John Hardyng, the maker of this book, heard the earl of Northumberland, that was slain at Bramham Mose in the time of King Henry the Fourth, say, how the same King Henry upon St. Matthew's day before he was made king, put forth that same chronicle claiming his title to the crown by the said Edmund, upon which all the chronicles of Westminster and of all other notable monasteries were had in the council at Westminster and examined among the lords and proved well by all their chronicles, that the King Edward was The elder brother, and the said Edmund the

"And then I heard the said earl say, that the said King Henry made King Richard, under duress of prison in the Tower of London in fear of his life, to make resignation of his right to him. And upon that a renunciation of the said right. And the two declared in the council and in the Parliament at Westminster on the morrow of St. Michael then next following, what of his might and his wilfulness, and what by certain lords and strength of the Commons, he was crowned against his oath made in the White Friars at Doncaster to the said earl of Northumberland and other lords, against the will and counsel of the said earl and of his son, and of Sir Thomas Percy, earl of Worcester, for which cause they died after, as I knew well, for that time I was in the field at Shrewsbury with Sir Henry Percy of the age of twenty-five years, armed and before brought up in his house of twelve years of age.

"Also I heard the said earl of Northumberland

say divers times, that he heard Duke John of Lancaster, among the lords in council and in Parliament and in the Common House, among the knights chosen for the Commons, ask by bill to be acknowledged heir-apparent to King Richard, considering how the king was like to have no issue of his body. To the which the Lords spiritual and temporal and the Commons in the Common House by whole advice said that the earl of March, Roger Mortimer, was his next heir to the crown, of full descent of blood, and they would have no other; and asked a question upon it who dare disable the king of issue, he being young and able to have children; for which when the duke of Lancaster was so put by, he and his council feigned and forged the said chronicle that Edmund should be the elder brother, to make his son Henry a title to the crown, and would have had the said earl of Northumberland and Sir Thomas Percy his brother of counsel thereof, because they were descended from the said Edmund by a sister; but they refused it.

"Which chronicle so forged, the duke did put in divers abbeys and priories, as I heard the said earl oft-times say and record to divers persons, to be kept for the inheritance of his son to the crown, which title he put first forth after he had King Richard in the Tower; but that title the earl Percy put aside."

1

1400-14031

THE BATTLE OF SHREWSBURY.

Thus much it seemed needful and just to observe with respect to Northumberland; seeing he has hitherto appeared under every disadvantage, it was right that his views in acting against Richard, and forwarding the cause of Henry of Lancaster, should claim some share of consideration. From these alone, as he himself has explained them, is it possible to learn how far he truly sided with the latter, and where he ceased to accord with him, and the conclusion appears to be that, like many who have attempted to effect violent political changes, he was hurried beyond his original designs; and being engaged with turbulent spirits who could not be controlled, he was urged by force of circumstances to yield to Henry's arts, and at length fell before his superior power.

The king's refusal to allow Mortimer to be ransomed was couched in a form most offensive to the great northern earl. In order to free himself, Mortimer married the daughter of Glendower, and publicly announced his adhesion to the Welsh cause. A confederacy was formed with his kinsmen the Percys, who instantly made preparations to join the Welsh with all the troops they could muster. To disguise their real purpose it was given out that a raid was to be made into Scotland, but Henry knew better, although he dissembled and announced his intention to join the enterprise. This created an alarm and precipitated matters. Young Sir Henry Percy threw off all disguise and set forth to join Glendower and Mortimer. The progress of Hotspur's long march from the North to Shrewsbury, a journey of not less than two hundred and fifty miles, cannot positively be traced. He probably set out in the beginning of July; and skirting along the eastern side of Cheshire, where his army received considerable augmentations, passed through Stafford, and was there joined by his uncle the earl of Worcester. The king, aware of his intention to gain possession of Shrewsbury, and desirous of cutting off his junction with Glendower, pursued with hasty marches. On the 16th of July he was at Burton-upon-Trent, and on the 17th at Lichfield; whence, finding that he could not overtake his enemy, he hastened on to reach Shrewsbury before him. He would naturally take the Watling Street road, and enter this town over the abbey bridge. The route of Hotspur was more to the North, in order to keep up a communication with the Severn, so important for his junction with Glendower. In all probability he marched through Newport, by High Ercall and Haymond Hill; and hoped to gain admittance through the

23

North or Castle Gate. The king arrived just.
in time to save the town: he entered it only a
few hours before Hotspur, who reached the
castle Foregate on the evening of Friday
July 19th, and the king's army could not have
advanced from Lichfield before the morning of
that day. They were certainly here before
Percy; for, aware of the intention of that
young nobleman, and desirous to save the
castle from his attack, they set fire to that
extensive suburb, and marched out of the castle
gates to offer him battle. Hotspur, unwilling
to bring his army into action at the close of a,
toilsome march, and learning from the royal
banner which waved on the walls, that the king
was in possession of the town, called off his
followers from the attack, and retired to the
Bull-field, an extensive common which stretched
from Upper Berwick to the East. He thus
protected his rear by woody and impervious
precipices, and had the river not only on his
side, but in his front also, if it had not entirely
deserted its ancient channel under Cross Hill
(as there is reason to believe it had not). This
position enabled him likewise to communicate
readily over that stream with the forces
of Glendower, when they should arrive on
the opposite bank. Here he passed the night.
His army consisted of fourteen thousand
chosen men, of whom a considerable part
were of the county of Chester, at that time
eminent for its skill in archery; but, if Hall is
correct, the royal army was nearly double that
number, for he writes that above forty thousand
men were assembled on both sides, and every
circumstance of the battle proves that the king
was at the head of a very superior force. His
situation was, however, by no means devoid
of anxiety. He must have been conscious how
slender the title was which he possessed to the
throne, and how ill-disposed the peerage of his
realm were to maintain him upon it. From the
castle he might view, as the dawn arose, the
plain which stretched to the North glittering
with hostile arms; while the dreaded Glendower
was believed to be in full march from Oswestry,
to join the rebels with his Welsh forces.
the difficulties of the crisis only sufficed
to call forth his energies and display his
talents.

But

Henry was himself a distinguished warrior. In earlier life he had, in company with his uncle, the duke of Gloucester, travelled into the North of Europe in quest of martial glory; and under the banners of the renowned Teutonic Order had made a campaign against the Pagans of Lithuania. He was still in the vigour of life,

being under forty years of age, and an adversary possible. Henry himself, with the main body, every way worthy of the gallant Percy. Relying appears to have marched out on the Hadnall upon the superiority of numbers, he determined, road, ready to proceed as occasion might demand, if possible, to force an engagement before that either to the North of Cross Hill and Almond young nobleman received his expected reinforce- Pool, and close the rebels between his two

ments from Wales on the North. By break of divisions; or else to advance further on upon day, therefore, he dispatched a strong force that road, where it branches off to Shawbury, under the nominal command, for it could be with the view of cutting off their retreat, if no more, of the young prince, the future hero Hotspur, becoming aware of his design, attempted of Agincourt, but then a youth of only fifteen to march to the East. It happened as the king years, to come up with Hotspur at Berwick, if anticipated. Hotspur, on this advance, broke

1400-1403]

BATTLE OF SHREWSBURY.

25

as traitors, and subverters of the commonwealth and kingdom; and invaders, oppressors, and usurpers of the rights of the true and direct

up in some disorder, and marched by Harlescot | cludes thus: "For these reasons we do mortally to Hately-field, which stretches from thence defy thee, and thy accomplices and adherents, eastwards. Here, however, finding it impossible to avoid an engagement, on account, as may be supposed, of the obstruction to his retreat presented by the king's movement above mentioned, he made his stand in the rear of a field of peas nearly ripe, behind which he stationed his army, and hoped thereby to deter the king from advancing over track which must necessarily impede his operations.

a

In accordance with the laws of chivalry, the confederates sent to the king a defiance, which has been preserved by Hardyng, who was at the same time in the service of Hotspur, and accompanied him the next day to the field of battle. In this instrument the Percys pronounced Henry false and perjured, for the following reasons:

I. Because on his return to England he had sworn before them at Doncaster, that he would claim nothing more than his own inheritance and that of his wife; and yet he had imprisoned Richard his sovereign, had compelled him by threats to resign the crown, and under colour of that resignation had taken upon himself the style and authority of the king.

II. Because at the same time he had sworn that he would never consent to the imposition of any taxes by the king without the previous consent of Parliament; and yet he had frequently since that time caused tenths and fifteenths to be levied by his own power and the dread which he inspired.

III. Because he had also sworn that Richard as long as he lived, should enjoy every royal prerogative; and yet had caused the same prince, in the castle of Pontefract, after fifteen. days, to die of hunger, thirst, and cold, and to be murdered.

IV. Because at the death of Richard he had kept possession of the crown, which then belonged to the young earl of March, the next and direct heir.

V. Because, though he had sworn to govern according to law, he had treacherously and against the law destroyed the freedom of election, and caused his own creatures to be returned representatives of the counties in Parliament, so that justice could not be had, and lastly because he had refused to permit the liberation of Sir Edmund Mortimer, who had been taken fighting for him, and was kept in chains in prison; and had looked on the Percys as traitors, because they had negotiated with Owen Glendower in behalf of the captive. The manifesto con

CD

ROUND SHIELD.

heir of England and France, and we intend to prove it this day by force of arms, with the aid of Almighty God."

When Henry had perused the defiance, he

TWO HANDED SWORD. FOUND ON SHREWSBURY
BATTLE FIELD.

replied, that he had no time to lose in writing an answer; that he would prove by the sword that the quarrel of the Percys was false and feigned; and that he had no doubt but God