desert-not a word of any such comfort --and I do believe, that with the exception of some, perhaps six persons, who are pledged to their patrons by the offices they hold, not a man could be found in this large assembly to propose a resolution of thanks. They were obliged to leave it to an amendment by those moderate men, who were moderately satisfied. But it is a subject of deep-felt congratulation with me, that even from those by whom the conduct of his Majesty's government has been even thus moderately approved, not one word has fallen from the lips of any man of whatever side, of whatever party in the House, either the supporter or the opponent of the administration, in extenuation of the atrocious aggression of France. No man was to be found base or desperate enough to pollute the air of that House, by uttering a word that could be construed into a justification of that abominable act of injustice. No volunteer assassin of public liberty, no greedy pander to the passions of those spoiled children of loyalty, who wield the sceptres of the world, dared within those walls to utter a sentence in its defence. A character of that description I sincerely believe not to belong to the country, much less to an enlightened and free assembly. Words, it is said, have been uttered elsewhere, which might bear somewhat of such a construction, but as I did not hear them myself, I must believe that they were misconceived, or uttered in the heat of discussion, or, peradventure, not uttered at all by him to whom they were attributed. But for the honour of this country-for the honour of the House of Commons, let it go forth to the extremity of the earth, that after a full discussion of three days, in which men of every party livered their opinions-men amongst whom existed strong political differences, there was not an individual who de did not loudly express his strong reprobation of the unjustifiable principles of the allies, and of the atrocious conduct of the French government. It has been imputed to me as an offence, that in describing the conduct of these foreign despots, I have used strong language. I did use strong language; and why? Because the occasion demanded it-because the paramount claims of justice called upon me to give vent to those feelings which I know actuate the people of England, and which could in no place be expressed with more effect than in the House which is said to represent them. I did use such language, because I also felt strong expressions of reprobation could not proceed with propriety from the right hon. gentleman and his colleagues, and as such expressions ought to be used in a British House of Commons, I followed the impulse of my heart in discharging a duty to my country and mankind." Mr Brougham concluded with entreating Mr Macdonald, the mover, not to risk the powerful effect of such a real unanimity, by hazarding the chance of the interpretation which might be given by per. sons unacquainted with parliamentary forms and manner of proceeding, to what was called a division of that House. "No division, however flattering to those principles which I venture to support, could compensate, in my apprehension, for the disadvantage to the best interests of man, which must be the effect, if an unintelligible vote should go out to the world, certain to be misrepresented by the ignorance of some, and to be misconstrued by the interests of others." Mr Macdonald agreed to Mr Brougham's proposal, and to vote for the amendment. Mr Canning, however, started up, and cried out: "After having suffered for three long nights, the constant, unremitting, uusparing lectures of gen tlemen opposite, for a too ready concession to the views of foreign powers, it is now incumbent upon us to say, that we have to profit by the lesson of experience which these gentlemen have taught us, in return for our former alleged facility of concession, and to decline assenting to the proposal for withdrawing the original motion."— Hereupon followed a series of a manœuvres, only to be thoroughly understood by those who are masters of the system of parliamentary tactics. On the call, divide, divide, the Opposition rose in a body to leave the House. A Ministerial member, however, calling for a division, the doors were closed. Then, while the ministerial members called out "Ay," the Opposition remained silent; but one of the former wickedly calling out the Noes had the majority, the Speaker was compelled to divide. This was to be effected by those who were in favour of the amendment going out into the lobby; but both Ministerial and Opposition members taking this course, the lobby would not contain them all, and a small detachment on each side were obliged to remain in the House. Of these, twenty, who belonged to the Opposition, were so foolish as to vote against the amendment, and thereby gave to their party the appearance of being out voted by an overwhelming majority, (that of 372 to 20.) On the 13th of May, Earl Grey introduced into the Lords a motion relative to the capture of a Spanish vessel, by a French privateer, called the Jean Bart, which had taken place in the West Indies, at a period which shewed the vessel to have been fitted out, and the orders given, before the declaration of war against Spain, and while the French government was still amusing us with professions of pacific intention. He alluded also to the proclamation of the royalist provisional government, annulling all proceedings held under the constitutional system. He called the attention of ministers to the effect which this would have, in the agreements made to grant compensation to British subjects, for what they had suffered by piracies in the West Indies. Lord Liverpool replied, that, supposing the first correct, he did not well see how Britain could interfere in the business. The truth, however, was, that on the very first intelligence of the above transaction, the French government had voluntarily come forward, and declared it to have been in no degree done under its authority. By farther information, it appeared that the Spanish vessel had been the assailant; and the Jean Bart in its own defence had made that capture. On the other subject, Lord Liverpool made the satisfactory answer, that Britain did not acknowledge the provisional government as the government of Spain, and held no communication with it of any description. Although no farther notice was taken of these subjects, the opportunity was taken by the above speakers, as well as by Lords Holland and Ellenborough, of going over some of the topics already debated. The unprosperous aspect which the Spanish cause speedily assumed, discouraged the champions of that nation from resuming the subject. Sir James Mackintosh hovered about it for some time; but after several times announcing and delaying a motion, he finally announced its postponement for the session. CHAPTER III. FINANCE. Financial State of the Nation.-General View given by the Chancellor of the Exchequer.-Satisfaction afforded by it.-Mr Maberly's motion.-Arrangements relative to the Sinking Fund.-Motions on the appointment of a Lieutenant-General of Ordnance.-On the Crown Lands.-Estimates.-Budget. MINISTERS Opened the financial cam-saries would be stopped, or would paign of this year under peculiarly favourable auspices. The difficulty in winding up the concerns of so great a war, the system of shifts and expedients to which its exigencies had driven them, were now in a great measure brought to a close. At the same time, the vehemence of the clamour excited by public distress was in a great measure blown over. They were prepared voluntarily to propose a material reduction of the public burdens; and could do this without any charge of improvidence, or neglect of posterity. A provision could still be reserved, small indeed when compared with the immensity of what was to be done, but yet not inconsiderable in itself, for the gradual removal of that enormous mass of debt which pressed upon the nation. Ministers were ready, moreover, to shew themselves the friends of every practicable and reasonable retrenchment, and to propose plans formed within their own circle, for arranging several of the leading public departments in a more systematic, and somewhat more economical, manner. There was thus every ground for sanguine hope, that the mouths of their adver open at least without any perilous influence on the mind of parliament. As to employment and subsistence, the embarrassments were materially abated, though not removed. Manufactures were in a state affording to the great body of the people the means of obtaining all the absolute necessaries of life, at their now reduced price. There were thus no remains of that desperate want, which, in the hands of the turbulent, had become so fruitful a parent of public commotion. One part of the nation alone, and that an influential one in parliament, still emitted sounds of despondence, and almost of despair. -The situation of the landed gentry was in no respect improved, and their rents continued to be little better than nominal. Upon this subject, however, the nation were generally convinced that parliament had af forded, or at least had shewn the disposition to afford, every relief of which circumstances admitted; and if that had been nothing, the inevitable nature of the thing had occasioned the failure. There was no point, therefore, on which Ministers had to apprehend any harassing op position; and there was every appearance of passing tranquilly through this, usually the most troublous and perilous scene of Parliamentary warfare. In performing the grateful task of relieving the public burdens, an embarrassment arose from the immense choice of objects. The laudable principle adopted by Pitt, and certainly carried with wonderful skill through such an ocean of taxation, was to withhold the pressure from the poorer and labouring classes; and, in fact, he scarcely left a greater amount of taxation on the necessaries of life than he found. If, therefore, that great statesman had been in circumstances, as he never was, to reduce any taxes, it is presumable that these would have been his first choice. In the taxes already remitted, (salt, leather, &c.) this principle had been extensively considered. Yet did not Ministers act without weighty reasons, when they followed now a course almost directly opposite. It was the rich, not the poor, that were now in poverty. The spacious mansions and equestrian establishments of the landed gentry formed, at ordinary periods, a most appropriate object of taxation; but the unprecedented pressure upon this class rendered the burden of them now almost intolerable; and a direct remission of sums actually paid would be felt as a much more serious relief, than the repeal of taxes only remotely and doubtfully affecting the value of landed produce. The proprietors of land, indeed, gained thus rather an unfair advantage; for, in consideration of a temporary pressure, they were allowed a permanent preference over the other branches of the community. But present circumstances determine the feelings and conduct of men; and as these stood, it was impossible to refuse them the boon. Ministers, finding their financial concerns in so favourable a position, lost no time in introducing them to the notice of the House. On the 22d of February, Mr Robinson, the new Chancellor of the Exchequer, in moving that the House should resolve itself into a Committee of Ways and Means, gave a very full exposition of his financial designs. He began with compliments to his predecessor, and expressions of the disadvantage he felt, in standing in the place of an individual, whose great talents, whose long experience, whose many virtues, and whose unsullied integrity demanded, and had obtained for him, during a long course of years, the respect and esteem of the House. He expressed gratification, however, at the manner in which he himself had been accustomed, on former occasions, to be received. After some further ceremonial preliminaries, he proceeded to state the amount of revenue for the last year, and the estimate for the following year. The revenue of last year amounted to 54,414,6501. The expenditure was 49,449,131. The surplus of the revenue consequently was 4,965,5191. For next year, the total expenditure which he counted on would amount to 49,852,7861.; and the estimate might be calculated for the occasion in this way :Total charge of funded debt for the present year, interest of long annuities, management, and charges of that kind, missioners of half pay, £28,124,786 Payments to be made to the comOther charges on the consolidated fund, including civil list, pensions, and different items of that description, . 2,800,000 2,050,000 Total interest of Exchequer bills, 1,200,000 The total amounting to 5,442,000 1,382,000 1,492,000 £49,852,786 . On the other hand, the following estimate of revenue might be made for the succeeding year : Customs, of the globe. He had always thought that the broad and just principle of policy was that which, in its applica £10,500,000 tion, rendered commerce mutually 26,000,000 advantageous to all who were en6,600,000 gaged in it: to be effective, it must 1,400,000 be reciprocal, one party benefiting by Assessed Taxes and Land Tax, 7,100,000 the demand, another equally by the Excise, Stamps, Post Office, Sundries, Total, 600,000 52,200,000 This estimate he thought himself justified in forming, when he considered that, under all the several heads which he had enumerated, the receipts of the last year had exceed ed those of any preceding year. But when they looked at all the circumstances under which that excess took place, he felt, and he trusted the committee would feel with him, that he was not too sanguine in entertaining a confident opinion that the revenue would not merely continue for the current year, upon the same scale of improvement as the last, but that it would continue to evince a still greater progressive increase, and that the amount would accumulate at least in equal ratio. This belief he entertained with the utmost confidence; he entertained it the more sanguinely, when he looked towards the great and extensive regions now opening to British commerce in almost every, quarter of the globe-when he found arising in Great Britain, and because it arose there, adopted and acting upon in other countries, a new and improved principle, which emancipated commerce from the embarrassing shackles with which antiquated notions had so long incumbered it-a new principle, which, he was happy to say, during the short time it had been acted upon, had, both in this and in other countries, which naturally looked up to Great Britain for examples of commercial policy, most essentially contributed to the real interests of commerce in every quarter VOL. XVI. PART I. consumption, and each interested in the well-doing of the other. His anticipation was the more fixed and gratifying when he found, that in all those articles of commerce which this country wanted, and others were in a condition to supply, there was a steady increase of revenue and consumption, profitable to all parties, and beneficial to the state. When he coupled these facts with what he had already said of the opening and extending markets, which were becoming available to England from the other quarters of the world, and affording anticipations of great and gradual extension-by the way, not the less valuable because they were gradual-it was not too much for him to indulge in the most flattering prospects. To the above amount, the Chancellor added the somewhat dubious item of 4,850,000l., to be received from the commissioners of half pay, and against which the payment of 2,200,000l. made to them stood as a set-off. The result, then, was thisTaking the revenue at, £57,096,988 And the estimated expenditure at, 49,852,786 He calculated on a surplus of, 7,244,202 The next point he had to state, was the mode which appeared to his Majesty's government most expedient for the application of the surplus. What he meant to propose was, that the larger proportion, amounting in round numbers to 5,000,000l., should be used on the principle which Parliament had already recognized for the reduction of the debt, and the remaining 2,000,000l. should be applied to the remission of taxes. F |