is the restored Israel spoken of by the prophets. This is the stone cut out of the mountain without hands. This is the male child born of the woman that fled into the wilderness. These are the waiting isles-in part peopled from the North and the the West, and from the land of Sinnim, foretold by the prophet Isaiah.

This is the land between two seas East and West-the land that hath always been waste the land whose people were gathered out of the nations of the earth-the land where the stranger hath an inheritance-the land of unwalled towns and villages-the land of broad rivers and streams which Ezekiel saw.

It was of this free people and this glorious republic that Jeremiah prophesied when he speaks of a people who gather themselves together and appoint unto themselves one head-a people whose nobles shall be of themselves, and whose governors shall proceed from the midst of them.

Who does not love this glorious republic better because it is mentioned in the Scriptures? Thus it is, religion and patriotism combine, with exultation, gratitude and hope to swell the flood of emotions that sweep over our souls this day.

CENTENNIAL ADDRESS.

AN ADDRESS BY HON. HARVEY RICE, PRESIDENT OF THE DAY.

DELIVERED AT CLEVELAND, OHIO, JULY 4TH, 1876.

FRIENDS AND FELLOW-CITIZENS-We have met to commemorate the centennial of our national existence. One hundred years ago an infant republic was born on this continent whose first utterances announced to the world the Declaration of her Independence. Marvelous as it may seem, she weaned herself from the nursing cares of her mother on the day of her birth.

It was an auspicious day for her and for this world. The "star of empire" appeared in the West, stood over her cradle, and shed upon her brow its genial radiance and inspiring influence. Conscious of her native strength and the justice of her cause, she flung her star-spangled banner to the breeze, and when came the "tug of war," the God of battles gave her the victory.

And now, having grown within a single century to be a mighty republic, may she still live on, pure as at her birth, and, still growing in strength, make the coming centuries of the great future her stepping stones to advancement, and by her civilizing and Christianizing influence elevate the nations of the earth to the level of a common brotherhood, and thus bequeath to all mankind the full and free enjoyment of equal rights and equal liberties. And may God grant that her star-spangled banner shall henceforth and forever float in triumph.

"O'er the land of the free and the home of the brave."

DEMOCRACY IN DANGER.

AN ADDRESS BY REV. R. A. HOLLAND.

DELIVERED IN CHRIST CHURCH, ST. LOUIS, MISSOURI.

THERE are two kinds of patriotism-one of instinct, the other of reason. Patriotism of instinct is attachment to a spot of ground, familiar scenes, inherited customs, a geographical name. It is the love of the fox for his hole, the fowl for her nest. In war a sort of magic, mobilizing men into instant armies reckless of death, in peace it encourages abuses and invites usurpations by defending every evil that may be done in the sacred name of country. "My country, right or wrong," is its confession of faith, and for fetish it worships a flag.

Not in this spirit have we assembled to-day to celebrate the hundredth anniversary of our republic, but rather in the spirit of that more rational patriotism which loving truth, right, humanity first, loves country only in so far as these supreme ideas are or may be organized and administered in its policy. For governments are not an end to themselves, but means for achieving an end which is higher, broader, more enduring. They exist for man, not man for them. The method by which he attempts to realize social aims, they change in form as one form after another fails of its task. Even if the form should be perfect in its adaptation to a particular stage of national growth. The continuance of such

A particular stage of national growth.

growth would by and bye require a change to suit its enlarging needs. And whatever may be the fate of individual nations, whether or not their law is to mature and decay, the growth of the race is constant and imparts its gains of experience to all institutions that are vital enough to assimilate them. Accordingly, experiments in govern

ment have not been without an order of succession and a cer

tain utility of failure. Failure warns against exact repetition. Men are not likely to go back to feudalism or despotism, the reign

of one or of a few, for the models of future society. When only the few had knowledge and wealth, it was well that the few should govern; but knowledge has now become common, and wealth diffuse. There are no longer in our civilization lord and vassal separated by an impassable gulf. The gulf has been closed by a middle class nobler in intelligence and richer in estate than baronage. The rabble, as it was once called, has by co-operation, risen likewise in consciousness of power and stands before wealth and rank, with bare arms that on provocation might toss them both out of its way. One would have to bind one's eyes with fold on fold of prejudice not to see that the tendency of these changes is towards democracy; that, indeed, by peoples who have graduated from a state of pupilage and know their manhood, no other kind of government will be tolerated long unless in evident transition towards democracy.

Within the present century we have seen Great Britain admit multitudes to a partnership in her crown, Spain elect a monarch who rules by popular consent, Italy unite under a sceptre wrought of suffrage and stronger than the keys of St. Peter, Russia emancipate her serfs, and France stunned by the horror of the first revolution and reeling between throne and tribune as if unable to collect her senses, finally ascend the latter with firm step and proclaim the republic of peace.

The republic

And still the tendency of governments sets in the same direction, and gains impetuosity as it goes. Men have not to be harangued any more about liberty, equality, fraternity. These ere-while abstractions are household words of peace. defined by the heart. Liberty-the right of every man to be himself so far as his self-hood does not trench upon the same right in others; equality-the level on which all men stand before the law, none born to rank or rule, each exercising the authority he obeys, sovereign that he may be subject, and subject that he may be sovereign; and fraternity, which is identity of interest, abolition of caste, every man being as jealous of the rights of every other as of his own, and the strongest and wisest willing to bear vexation or hardship that the weak and ignorant may qualify themselves for self-government by the use of rights which, even when least understood, foster self-respect, independence and

a lively concern in affairs of state, and thus serve for a moral education.

The question is not whether democracy be the cheapest form of government, or the shrewdest, or the most facile, or the stoutest against inner or outer foes-in all which qualities superiority may be conceded to despotism; but whether in spite of extravagance, blunders, caprice, it is not the best for man as man, worth its excess of cost in money and toil and sense of danger.

Did monarchy impose small taxes, stimulate trade, render speedy and sure the process of law and lighten every load of government, the government would still weigh heavy on a shoulder that felt itself the bearer of a compulsory benefit. There is nothing in the power of government to bestow so precious as man's right to rule himself—a right which democracy simply admits and leaves free to take whatever form it will. Better manhood with liberty, though liberty run risk of license; better manhood with equality, though equality sway to transcient rule of ignorance and vice; better manhood with fraternity, though fraternity may run for awhile into the clannish hate and envy of the commune; better universal suffrage with all its drawbacks and dangers than any limitation of it that bars the birthright of the soul. Sooner or later, by the very discipline which their errors, with right of the the consequent sufferings, enforce, men will learn the art of self-government; and the secret of that art when learned, will be little else than the wiser head and warmer heart and more helpful hand of a developed manhood.

Bars the birth

soul.

Nor is it mere moony vision or spread-eagle rapture to anticipate a democracy as vast as civilization. Be it for good or evil, the peoples will not rest until they have tried the experiment and tried it more than once. The might is theirs and they will exert it; theirs is the right and it will justify the utmost exertion to throw off the yoke of titled accidents; and if progress be the law of humanity, as it is of all things else, might and right must grow with time into graces of unity, peace and concord. Otherwise humanity is a predestined failure, and the ethics of its hope a lie.

For what else is democracy in the purest notion of it but the religion of politics. It means faith in man and in his destiny; it means that there is more of good than of evil in his nature, and