THE FUNDAMENTAL PRINCIPLES OF 1776.

AN ORATION BY HON. JOHN W. WATTS, GOV. OF ALA.

DELIVERED AT MONTGOMERY, ALA., JULY 4, 1876.

LADIES AND FELLOW-CITIZENS.-One hundred years ago this day, a body of patriots, delegates from thirteen separate yet united Colonies, in solemn Congress assembled, proclaimed the immortal truths just read in your hearing. These Colonies were established by Great Britain, and for years had been under the government of Great Britain. They had their Legislative Assemblies, and had been accustomed, under charters from the British Crown, to exercise the powers of local self-government. But as these Colonies grew in population and wealth, the British Parliament, in an evil hour, assumed the authority to legislate for them in all cases whatsoever, denying the right to the people of representation in Legislative Assemblies. This usurpation, so inconsistent with the spirit of English freedom, aroused the spirit of independence in America. A series of unjust and oppressive measures towards this country, by the Crown and Parliament, created a spirit of intense indignation and determined resistance, and thus fostered that spirit of independence which freed the Colonies from British tyranny and established American freedom.

Before the 4th of July, 1776, the Colonies had been separate and independent peoples in all that appertained to their domestic affairs; and they were united only for common defence against common danger. So they remained separate and independent States, when this Declaration of Independence was made good at the point of the sword. The articles of Confederation made during the progress of the Revolutionary war, carefully preserved this separation and independence. So that, when, after their independence of Great Britain was acknowledged by the British Parliament; and the United States became a nation amongst nations,

these separate and independent States, not only made their separate and independent State constitutions, each for itself; but all united made a common constitution through their separate delegates in convention assembled. This common constitution, now known as the Federal constitution, was submitted separately to each of these separate and independent States, for voluntary ratification or rejection. So that, when each of these States had adopted this common constitution it thereby became the constitution of each one of these States, the supreme law of the land, as firmly binding on the people thereof as were the respective State constitutions on the separate people of each State.

The original thirteen States thus became one nation for intercourse with foreign powers; one nation for foreign commerce and commerce between the several states; one nation for common defence and for the preservation of the liberties of each and all; but they were and are separate and independent of each other and of the Federal government, in all their domestic and home affairs. "Distinct as the billows-one, as the sea."

One of the great principles of this Declaration of Independence, and of the government founded thereon, is that those whom the people select to represent them in the different departments of government are the agents and servants of the people; and the offices these agents and servants fill are not their private property, but they are great public trusts, to be executed with an eye single to the good of the great body of the people. These offices are not property to be bought and sold, and their emoluments, privileges and influences are not to be used to corrupt and debauch the virtue and integrity of the people. But they are the instrumentalities through which liberty is to be protected and preserved, prosperity promoted, and general tranquillity and happiness accomplished. This idea of offices being property sprang from countries where kings and lords ruled by "divine right," and where offices were transmitted from father to son, like lands and chattels.

You will permit me, fellow-citizens, to remark, without any allusion to mere party politics, that one of the saddest and most portentous evils of our times is the prevalence of the idea that the public offices are the property of the persons holding them. From such perverted notions spring corruption of officers, corruption of

public virtue and a demoralized people. The common expression, when applied to the offices of government, that "to victors belong the spoils" is a perversion of the theory of our republican government; and its practice is destructive of the ends of all good government. Offices are not "spoils " in a republican government. The expression itself sprang from the corruptest times of old Rome; and it is but a translation of one sentence uttered by Catiline to his conspirators. Such a sentiment should receive no countenance in a Christian land, in a republican government in the 19th century, and especially should it be denounced on the onehundredth anniversary of our national independence, when the purity of our patriot fathers is to be commended to the love and admiration of our people.

Another of the grand truths announced in this Declaration of Independence is that all men are created equal in political rights. In the formation of governments and in the administration of governmental powers this equality becomes inequality only by differences of intellectual power, and of public and private virtue. And from this equality of political rights springs that principle of religious freedom which is the peculiar privilege and glory of the American people. Each man here has the right, unmolested by princes, powers or potentates, to worship God according to the dictates of his own conscience. Our government establishes no religion and fosters none, whilst all are protected by the broad ægis of constitutional liberty. Freedom of religion, freedom of the press and freedom of the people to petition for redress of all grievances, the right of trial by jury, and the writ of habeas corpus, are watchwords of our republican faith.

To understand properly, and to appreciate rightly, the grand results which have sprung from the establishment of such a government on such a Declaration of Independence, we must turn our eyes and through the light of history look back to one hundred years ago.

We then had an East, a North and a South, but no West. The West, from the mountains of Virginia to the coast of the Pacific, was an unbroken forest-trees and rocks and rivers and lakesunseen by civilized man.

From Georgia to Philadelphia, and from New Hampshire to

Philadelphia, the seat of government, the Delegates of the Continental Congress traveled on horseback. The railroads which sprang into existence from the application of the expensive power of steam, as a motive power, and which now by iron bands connect all parts of our country, were then unknown. A sparse and mainly agricultural people, with few wants, and those supplied by the productions of the soil, occupied the States. Commerce, manufactures and the arts, which now constitute the wealth and pride of the land, were little known to our forefathers. But under the benign influence of our free institutions, they have become the controlling elements of the power and progress of our country.

Within these one hundred years the thirteen States of revolutionary times have swelled to thirty-eight separate and independent States, and the three millions of population have increased to forty millions. The forests, the rocks, the rivers and the lakes, which constituted our West in revolutionary times have become the homes of civilized men, and 25 States have been added to our National family, with rights and privileges on an equal footing with the original thirteen. The great wave of population has extended from the shores of the Atlantic across mountains, lakes and rivers, to the shores of the Pacific. From sunrise to sunset. And now these thirty-seven States and forty millions of people (under the same Constitution and Union, speaking the same language, under the same propitious bend of the heavens, worshipping the same God), with one heart and with one destiny, are to-day paying tribute to the valor and wisdom of our patriot fathers, and shouting hosannahs to the benefactors of mankind. Voices from the North, from the East, from the South, and from the new-born West, unite to-day, 1876, in one grand National chorus of praise to the heroes and statesmen, the patriots and philosophers of 1776.

In Independence Hall, one hundred years ago, Richard Henry Lee, a Southern man, first proposed in Continental Congress, resolutions declaring that the thirteen Colonies "are of right and ought to be free and independent States." John Adams, a son of the North, seconded these resolutions. Thomas Jefferson, a son of the South, wrote the immortal Declaration of Independence; John Hancock, a son of the North, the presiding officer of the Congress, first signed his name to that document, which pledged the

lives, the fortunes and the sacred honor of its signers for its support.

On this day fifty years ago Thomas Jefferson, the author of the Declaration, and John Adams, "the Colossus " of its support on the floor of the Continental Congress, both died, and together took their flight to the land of spirits. Providence vouchsafed to them no common boon in not only permitting them to live to see the consummation of their great work, but in permitting each, in his turn, the one as the successor of the other, to enjoy the high privilege of being the Chief Magistrate of that government their joint labors established. In youth each labored for the rights of the Colonies; in manhood they stood shoulder to shoulder in the Continental Congress, and pledged "their lives, their fortunes and their sacred honor" to maintain the liberties of America, and in death, when all their labors were over, they were not parted, but together they appeared before the High Chancery of Heaven. May we not suppose that holy lips uttered and the Heavenly courts echoed the welcome plaudit, "Well done, good and faithful servants."

Another one of the signers of this Declaration, Benjamin Franklin, though born in Massachusetts, a delegate from Pennsylvania in the Continental Congress, cannot be assigned to any clime or country. He belongs to universal mankind. He snatched the live thunder from the clouds of Heaven, and with his key and kite tamed it and made it subservient to the purposes of man.

And now, by the power of science, this "live thunder" is driven all over our and other lands, on railroad highways; and along iron cables it flashes from continent to continent and makes the civilized world one universal brotherhood.

By its means the man on the golden shores of California speaks, face to face, as it were, to his friend in New York! The man in Boston talks familiarly with his friend in Liverpool; and Europe, Asia and America, hold daily converse together! The wonders achieved within these hundred years, through the developments of physical science, enable us to rival, if not surpass, apparently, one of the miracles of Holy Writ.

We are told that Joshua commanded the sun to stand still, and the sun stood still until the battle was fought and the victory won.