LXX. CHAP. tation which had just been put upon them. The nation had gained the great objects for which she 1801, had contended; namely, that free bottoms did not make free goods; that ships of war had the right of search; that the blockade of ports should be recognised as legitimate; that the exercise of these rights should be regulated upon clear, intelligible, and liberal rules; and, what was of more consequence than all, that any casual violation of them should not be a cause of quarrel, but should be the subject of amicable adjustment. So far from concurring in the objections made to particular expressions, because they were taken with some variation from the convention of the neutral powers, he declared that he liked them the better for being so taken. The variation shewed that we did not recognise the doctrine as there assumed. Thus, in regard to the words, "free navigation to the ports and upon the coasts," it was manifest that we did not mean that they should enjoy free navigation to and from the ports of an enemy. In the same way, the conjunction or, in the article recognising the right of blockading ports, was all that we could desire, since it established the doctrine, that if our squadron was stationary off a port, or sufficiently near to create an evident danger of entering, such port was to be considered in a state of blockade. He denied that a neutral power could set up any such pretension as that of carrying on the coasting trade in time of war. The clear understanding between the parties was, that when a Russian ship should happen to take in a cargo, part of which was to be delivered at one port in the enemy's country, and part in another port, such ship should be at liberty to put in at the several ports where she was to deliver the several parts of her cargo. But if it should appear that at any of those ports she took in any part of the enemy's property, for the purpose of conveying it to other ports; if, LXX. 1801. in short, she should attempt to carry on a coasting CHAP. trade for the enemy, that cargo should be liable to search and confiscation. With respect to the colonial trade, he would ask, whether, if it had been intended to give up a right of such essential value as the one in question, some notice would not have been taken of it in the treaty? He had no doubt that the clear understanding was, that the right should not be given up; and a farther explanation might still be had upon the subject. The interpretation which lord Grenville had given of that part of the treaty which related to the contraband trade, was, he contended, not correct. It had been af firmed, that a foundation was thus laid for a contraband commerce, which all other neutral nations would think they had a right to carry on; but this was a specific treaty confined to Russia alone; it had nothing to do with any treaty hereafter to be concluded with Denmark or Sweden, and could never hereafter give either Holland or America the right of carrying on such a commerce. objections which had been made to the article relative to the right of search on the part of Great Britain, did not apply to the right itself, but to an undue detention after the search was made. The captain of the belligerent power would have the right to go on board the ship that guarded the convoy. If he had then no motive of suspicion he might go away; if he had sufficient motive, he was not bound to declare what it was, but might proceed to his search. If the result should shew that there had been no justifiable motive for the detention of the vessel, he was responsible for what he had done, to his country, and to no other power. Under the present stipulation therefore, a search might still be made; and there would be as little danger now as formerly, of a contraband trade in neutral vessels. The ground of suspicion must necessarily depend upon the discretion of the offi The cer, LXX. CHA P. cer, and he was to determine from other circumstances besides the examination of papers, whether or not he had good cause to make a search. 1801. Address on tion voted. THESE were the principal arguments used on the the conven- occasion, and after some remarks from lord Holland and lord Mulgrave, the address was agreed to without a division. In the house of Commons, where the discussions took a similar course, lord Hawkesbury replied to the objections urged by Mr. Grey and lord Temple; and the treaty was warmly applauded by Mr. Erskine, Sir William Scott, and Mr. Tierney, among so large a majority of members as rendered a division on the address unnecessary. Amount of naval and military force retained. MEANWHILE the necessary precautions had been taken for the security of the country in the event of any interruption of the pacific measures which were in progress. The naval and military forces which it was judged expedient to retain, consisted of 130,000 seamen, including marines; 58,718 land troops for Great Britain, and 18,660 troops for Ireland. The militia, until the peace, were to be 34,500, and some general regulations were to be offered to the consideration of parliament respecting Thanks to that portion of the military force. The gallant and the army and navy. meritorious services of the army and navy were acknowledged by unanimous votes of thanks in both houses. Earl St. Vincent mentioned, in terms of high commendation, the spirited conduct of sir James Saumarez, in the action with the united fleets of France and Spain off Gibraltar; and this just tribute of applause was seconded by lord Nelson, who added that he was not surprised at the matchless skill and intrepidity of his gallant friend, when he considered the professional school in which he had been bred, under lord Howe, lord Hood, lord Bridport, and his noble friend the earl St. Vincent. Similar thanks were moved to captains Hood and Keates, and the other officers who distinguished The CHAP. tinguished themselves in that engagement. LXX. 1801. LXXI. 1801. The mar quis Cornwallis ap CHAP. LXXI. Mission of the marquis Cornwallis as minister plenipotentiary. -Congress at Amiens.- French expedition to St. Domingo. Bonaparte president of the Italian republic. His arbitrary measures in Switzerland. Negociations. Definitive treaty.-Separate article between France and the Batavian republic.- Accession of Sweden and Denmark to the convention between Great Britain and Russia. -Budget for the year.- Debate on the treaty.- Lord Whitworth ambassador to France. Appropriation by Spain of revenues belonging to the knights of Malta.Disputes between England and France concerning that island.-Meeting of parliament.-Despard's conspiracy. -Sebastiani's mission to the Levant.-The King's message to parliament recommending warlike preparations. - Attempted adjustment of differences.Declaration of war. CHAP. IN the beginning of November, the marquis Cornwallis, who had been appointed his Majesty's minister plenipotentiary for negociating the definitive treaty of peace with France and her allies, proceeded to Paris, where he was received with pointed ple- marked distinction, and after a short residence nipotentiary to negociate there, repaired to Amiens, the place appointed for the defini- the conferences. On his arrival, he was joined by treaty. the first consul's brother, Joseph Bonaparte, to tive whose management the interests of France were on this occasion entrusted; but he had to await, for a considerable time, the arrival of the Dutch and Spanish ministers, Mr. Schimmelpenninck and Don Nicolas de Azara; and after the negociations had actually commenced, he encountered many unexpected obstacles, which shewed that the principal of the three parties, with whom he had to treat, was |