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part was effectually done. He sent in a column of grenadiers with fixed bayonets at one end of the hall of the great council, and made them advance steadily to the other; driving the unhappy senators, in their fine classical draperies, before them, and forcing thera to leap out of the windows, and scamper through the gardens in these strange habiliments! Colonel Pride's purge itself was not half so rough in its operation.
There was now an end, not only of liberty, but of republican tyranny; and the empire of the sword in the hand of one man, was substantially established. It is melancholy to think, but history shows it to be true, that the most abject servitude is usually established at the close of a long, and even generous struggle for freedom; partly, no doubt, because despotism offers an image of repose to those who are worn out with contention, but chiefly because that military force to which all parties had in their extremity appealed, naturally lends itself to the bad ambition of a fortunate commander. This it was which made the fortune of Bonaparte. His answer to all remonstrances was "Voulez-vous que je vous livre aux Jacobins ?" But his true answer was, that the army was at his devotion, and that he defied the opinion of the
He began by setting up the Consulate: But from the very first, says Madame de Staël, assumed the airs and the tone of royalty.
citizenship and equality to one set of hearers, and of the sacred rights of sovereigns to another. He extended the same unprincipled dissimulation to the subject of religion. To the prelates with whom he arranged his celebrated Concordat, he spoke in the most serious manner of the truth and the awfulness of the Gospel; and to Cabanis and the philosophers, he said, the same evening,-"SavezVous ce que c'est la Concordat? C'est la Vaccine de la Religion-dans cinquante ans il n'y aura plus en France!" He resolved, however, to profit by it while it lasted; and had the blasphemous audacity to put this, among other things, into the national catechism, approved of by the whole Gallican church:-"Qu. Que doit-on penser de ceux qui manqueroient à leur devoir envers l'Empereur Napoléon? Réponse. Qu'ils resisteroient à l'ordre établi de Dieu lui-même et se rendroient dignes de la damnation éternelle!"
Vol. ii. pp. 258, 259. He had some reason, indeed, to despise men, from the specimens he had mostly about him: For his adherents were chiefly deserters from the royalist or the republican party; -the first willing to transfer their servility to a new dynasty, the latter to take the names and emoluments of republican offices from the hand of a plebeian usurper. For a while he thought it prudent to dissemble with each; and, with that utter contempt of truth which belonged to his scorn of mankind, held, in the same day, the most edifying discourses of
With the actual tyranny of the sword began the more pitiful persecution of the slavish journals-the wanton and merciless infliction of exile on women and men of letters-and the perpetual, restless, insatiable interference in the whole life and conversation of every one of the slightest note or importance. The following passages are written, perhaps, with more bitterness than any other in the book; but they appear to us to be substantially just.
Bonaparte, lorsqu'il disposoit d'un million d'hommes armés, n'en attachoit pas moins d'im. "Il prit les Tuileries pour sa demeure; et ce fut portance à l'art de guider l'esprit public par les un coup de partie que le choix de cette habitation. gazettes; il dictoit souvent lui-même des articles de On avoit vu là le roi de France; les habitudes mon- journaux qu'on pouvoit reconnoître aux saccades archiques y étoient encore présentes à tous les yeux, violentes du style. On voyoit qu'il auroit voulu et il suffisoit, pour ainsi dire, de laisser faire les mettre dans ce qu'il écrivoit, des coups au lieu de murs pour tout rétablir. Vers les derniers jours du mots! Il a dans tout son être un fond de vulgarité dernier siècle, je vis entrer le premier consul dans que le gigantesque de son ambition même ne sauroit ce palais bâti par les rois; et quoique Bonaparte fut toujours cacher. Ce n'est pas qu'il ne sache trèsbien loin encore de la magnificence qu'il a dévelop. bien, un jour donné, se montrer avec beaucoup de pée depuis, l'on voyoit déjà dans tout ce qui l'en- convenance; mais il n'est à son aise que dans le touroit un empressement de se faire courtisan à mépris pour les autres, et, dès-qu'il peut y rentrer, l'orientale, qui dut lui persuader que gouverner la il s'y complait. Toutefois ce n'étoit pas uniqueterre étoit chose bien facile. Quand sa voiture fut ment par goût qu'il se livroit à faire servir, dans ses arrivée dans la cour des Tuileries, ses valets ouvri- notes du Moniteur, le cynisme de la révolution au rent la portière et précipitèrent le marchepied avec maintien de sa puissance. Il ne permettoit qu'à lui une violence qui sembloit dire que les choses phy-d'être jacobin en France.-Vol. ii. p. 264. siques elles-mêmes étoient insolentes quand elles retardoient un instant la marche de leur maître! Lui ne regardoit ni ne remercioit personne; comme s'il avoit craint qu'on pût le croire sensible aux hommages même qu'il exigeoit. En montant l'escalier au milieu de la foule qui se pressoit pour le suivre, ses yeux ne se portoient ni sur aucun objet, ni sur aucune personne en Il y avoit quelque chose de vague et d'insouciant dans sa physionomie, et ses regards n'exprimoient que ce qu'il lui convient toujours de montrer,-l'indifférence pour le sort, et le dédain pour les hommes."
Mais bientôt après il en bannit un grand nombre, Je fus la première femme que Bonaparte exila; d'opinions opposées. D'où venoit ce luxe en fait de méchanceté, si ce n'est d'une sorte de haine contre tous les êtres indépendans? Et comme les femmes, d'une part, ne pouvoient servir en rien ses desseins politiques, et que, de l'autre, elles étoient moins acque hommes aux craintes et aux espérances dont le pouvoir est dispensateur, elles lui donnoient de l'humeur comme des rebelles, et il se plaisoit à leur dire des choses blessantes et vulgaires. Il haïssoit autant l'esprit de chevalerie qu'il recherchoit l'étiquette: c'étoit faire un mauvais choix parmi les anciennes mœurs. Il lui restoit aussi de ses premières habitudes pendant la révolu tion, une certaine antipathie jacobine contre la soexerçoient beaucoup d'ascendant. Il redoutoit en ciété brillante de Paris; sur laquelle les femmes elles l'art de la plaisanterie, qui, l'on doit en convenir, appartient particulièrement aux Françoises. Si Bonaparte avoit voulu s'en tenir au superbe rôle de grand général et de premier magistrat de la république, il auroit plané de toute la hauteur du de salon. Mais quand il avoit le dessein de se faire génie au-dessus des petits traits acérés de l'esprit un roi parvenu, un bourgeois gentilhomme sur le trône, il s'exposoit précisément à la moquerie du
bon ton, et il ne pouvoit la comprimer, comme il | que les flatteries serviles; parce que, dans les unes,
on n'auroit vu que son mérite, tandis que les autres
The thin måsk of the Consulate was soon thrown off-and the Emperor appeared in his proper habits. The following remarks, though not all applicable to the same period, appear to us to be admirable.
Bonaparte avoit lu l'histoire d'une manière confuse. Peu accoutumé à l'étude, il se rendoit beaucoup moins compte de ce qu'il avoit appris dans les livres, que de ce qu'il avoit recueilli par l'observation des hommes. Il n'en étoit pas moins resté dans sa téte un certain respect pour Attila et pour Charlemagne, pour les lois féodales et pour le despotisme de l'Orient, qu'il appliquoit à tort et à travers, ne se trompant jamais, toutefois, sur ce qui servoit instantanément à son pouvoir; mais du reste, citant, blâmant, louant et raisonnant comme le hasard le conduisoit. Il parloit ainsi des heures entières avec d'autant plus d'avantage, que personne ne l'interrompoit, si ce n'est par les applaus dissemens involontaires qui échappent toujours dans des occasions semblables. Une chose singulière, c'est que, dans la conversation, plusieurs officiers Bonapartistes ont emprunté de leur chef cet héroïque galimatias, qui véritablement ne sig; nifie rien qu'à la tête de huit cent mille hommes." Vol. ii. pp. 332, 333. "Il fit occuper la plupart des charges de sa maison par des Nobles de l'ancien régime; il aimoit les flatteries des courtisans d'autrefois, parce qu'ils s'entendoient mieux à cet art que les hommes nouveaux, même les plus empressés. Chaque fois qu'un gentilhomme de l'ancienne cour rappeloit l'étiquette du temps jadis, proposoit une révérence de plus, une certaine façon de frapper à la porte de quelque anti-chambre, une manière plus cérémonieuse de présenter une dépêche, de plier une lettre, de la terminer par telle ou telle formule, il étoit accueilli comme s'il avoit fait faire des progrès au bonheur de l'espèce humaine! Le code de l'étiquette impériale est le document le plus remarquable de la bassesse à laquelle on peut réduire l'espèce humaine."-Vol. ii. pp. 334, 335.
quitter l'île de Lobau, quand i! jugeoit la bataille "On l'a vu dans la guerre d'Autriche, en 1809, perdue. Il traversa le Danube, seul avec M. de Czernitchef, l'un des intrépides aides de camp de L'empereur leur dit assez tranquillement qu'après l'empereur de Russie, et le maréchal Berthier. avoir gagné quarante batailles, il n'étoit pas extraordinaire d'en perdre une; et lorsqu'il fut arrivé de l'autre côté du fleuve, il se coucha et dormit jusqu'au lendemain matin! sans s'informer du sort de l'armée françoise, que ses généraux sauvèrent pendant son sommeil."-Vol. ii. p. 358.
instances of this faculty of sleeping in moMadame de Staël mentions several other ments of great apparent anxiety. The most remarkable is, that he fell fast asleep before taking the field in 1814, while endeavouring to persuade one of his ministers that he had no chance of success in the approaching campaign, but must inevitably be ruined!
July 1810, a very singular proof of the auShe has extracted from the Moniteur of dacity with which he very early proclaimed his own selfish and ambitious views. It is a public letter addressed by him to his nephew, the young Duke of Berg, in which he says, in so many words, "N'oubliez jamais, que vos premiers devoirs sont envers MOI-Vos seconds envers la France-ceux envers les peuples que je pourrois vous confier, ne viennent qu'après." This was at least candid-and in his disdain for mankind, a sort of audacious candour was sometimes alternated with his duplicity.
"Quand il y avoit quatre cents personnes dans son salon, un aveugle auroit pu s'y croire seul, tant le silence qu'on observoit étoit profond! Les maréchaux de France, au milieu des fatigues de la guerre, au moment de la crise d'une bataille, entroient dans la tente de l'empereur pour lui demander ses ordres, et il ne leur étoit pas permis de s'y asseoir! Sa famille ne souffroit pas moins que les étrangers de son despotisme et de sa hauteur. Lucien a mieux aimé vivre prisonnier en Angleterre que régner sous les ordres de son frère. Louis Bonaparte, dont le caractère est générale ment estimé, se vit constraint par sa probité même, à renoncer à la couronne de Hollande; et, le croiroit-on ? quand il causoit avec son frère pendant deux heures tête-à-tête, forcé par sa mauvaise santé de s'appuyer péniblement contre la muraille, Napoléon ne lui offroit pas une chaise! il demeuroit lui-même debout, de crainte que quelqu'un n'eût l'idée de se familiariser assez avec lui, pour s'asseoir en sa présence.
"Le peur qu'il causoit dans les derniers temps étoit telle, que personne ne lui adressoit le premier la parole sur rien. Quelquefois il s'entretenoit avec la plus grande simplicité au milieu de sa cour, et dans son conseil d'état. Il souffroit la contradiction, il y encourageoit même, quand il s'agissoit de questions administratives ou judiciaires sans redrissement de ceux auxquels il avoit rendu pour un pouvoir. Il falloit voir alors l'attenmoment la respiration libre; mais, quand le maître reparoissoit, on demandoit en vain aux ministres de présenter un rapport à l'empereur contre une mesure injuste.-Il aimoit moins les louanges vraies
lation avec son
à Bonaparte; comme une niaiserie, ou comme un "Un principe général, quel qu'il fût, déplaisoit rent à la vie des hommes. Il ne la considéroit que ennemi. Il n'étoit point sanguinaire, mais indiffécomme un moyen d'arriver à son but, ou comme un obstacle à écarter de sa route. Il n'étoit pas même aussi colèré qu'il a souvent paru l'être : il vouloit effrayer avec ses paroles, afin de s'épargner le fait par la menace. Tout étoit chez lui moyen ou but; l'involontaire ne se trouvoit nulle part, ni dit: J'ai tant de conscrits à dépenser par an. dans le bien, ni dans le mal. On prétend qu'il a propos est vraisemblable; car Bonaparte a souvent Ce assez méprisé ses auditeurs pour se complaire dans -Jamais il n'a cru aux sentimens exaltés, soit dans un genre de sincérité qui n'est que de l'impudence.
les individus, soit dans les nations; il a pris l'examples better, he has that of his own Henri pression de ces sentimens pour de l'hypocrisie."- IV. before him. That great and popular Vol. ii. pp. 391, 392.
Bonaparte, Madame de Staël thinks, had no alternative but to give the French nation a free constitution; or to occupy them in war, and to dazzle them with military glory, He had not magnanimity to do the one, and he finally overdid the latter. His first great error was the war with Spain; his last, the campaign in Russia. All that followed was put upon him, and could not be avoided. She rather admires his rejection of the terms offered at Chatillon; and is moved with his farewell to his legions and their eagles at Fontainebleau. She feels like a Frenchwoman on the occupation of Paris by foreign conquerors; but gives the Emperor Alexander full credit, both for the magnanimity of his conduct as a conqueror, and the generosity of his sentiments on the subject of French liberty and independence. She is quite satisfied with the declaration made by the King at St. Ouen, and even with the charter that followed-though she allows that many further provisions were necessary to consolidate the constitution. All this part of the book is written with great temperance and reconciling wisdom. She laughs at the doctrine of legitimacy, as it is now maintained; but gives excellent reasons for preferring an ancient line of princes, and a fixed order of succession. Of the Ultras, or unconstitutional royalists, as she calls them, she speaks with a sort of mixed anger and pity; although an unrepressed scorn takes the place of both, when she has occasion to mention those members of the party who were the abject flatterers of Bonaparte during the period of his power, and have but transferred, to the new occupant of the throne, the servility to which they had been trained under its late possessor.
"Mais ceux dont on avoit le plus de peine à contenir l'indignation vertueuse contre le parti de l'usurpateur, c'étoient les nobles ou leurs adhérens, qui avoient demandé des places à ce même usurpateur pendant sa puissance, et qui s'en étoient séparés bien nettement le jour de sa chute. L'enthousiasme pour la légitimité de tel chambellan de Madame mère, ou de telle dame d'atour de
Madame sœur, ne connoissoit point de bornes; et certes, nous autres que Bonaparte avoit proscrits pendant tout le cours de son règne, nous nous examinions pour savoir si nous n'avions pas été ses favoris, quand une certaine délicatesse d'âme nous obligeoit à le défendre contre les invectives de ceux qu'il avoit comblés de bienfaits."-Vol.
iii. p. 107.
Our Charles II. was recalled to the throne of his ancestors by the voice of his people; and yet that throne was shaken, and, within twenty-five years, overturned by the arbitrary conduct of the restored sovereigns. Louis XVIII. was not recalled by his people, but brought in and set up by foreign conquerors. It must therefore be still more necessary for him to guard against arbitrary measures, and to take all possible steps to secure the attachment of that people whose hostility had so lately proved fatal. If he like domestic ex
prince at last found it necessary to adopt the religious creed of the great majority of his people. In the present day, it is at least as necessary for a less popular monarch to study and adopt their political one. Some of those about him, we have heard, rather recommend the example of Ferdinand VII.! But even the Ultras, we think, cannot really forget that Ferdinand, instead of having been restored by a foreign force, was dethroned by one; that there had been no popular insurrection, and no struggle for liberty in Spain; and that, besides the army, he had the priesthood on his side, which, in that country, is as omnip otent, as in France it is insignificant and powerless, for any political purposes. We cannot now follow Madame de Staël into the profound and instructive criticism she makes on the management of affairs during Bonaparte's stay at Elba;-though much of it is applicable to a later period-and though we do not remember to have met any where with so much truth told in so gentle a manner.
Madame de Staël confirms what we believe all well-informed persons now admit, that for months before the return of Bonaparte, the attempt was expected, and in some measure prepared for-by all but the court, and the royalists by whom it was surrounded. When the news of his landing was received, they were still too foolish to be alarmed; and, when the friends of liberty said to each other, with bitter regret, "There is an end of our liberty if he should succeed-and of our national independence if he should fail,"-the worthy Ultras went about, saying, it was the luckiest thing in the world, for they should now get properly rid of him; and the King would no longer be vexed with the fear of a pretender! Madame de Staël treats with derision the idea of Bonaparte being sincere in his professions of regard to liberty, or his resolution to adhere to the constitution proposed to him after his return. She even maintains, that it was absurd to propose a free constitution at such a crisis. If the nation and the army abandoned the Bourbons, nothing remained for the nation but to invest the master of that army with the dictatorship; and to rise en masse, till their borders were freed from the invaders. That they did not do so, only proves that they had become indifferent about the country, or that they were in their hearts hostile to Bonaparte. Nothing, she assures us, but the consciousness of this, could have made him submit to concessions so alien to his whole character and habits-and the world, says Madame de Staël, so understood him. "Quand il a prononcé les mots de Loi et Liberté, l'Europe s'est rassurée: Elle a senti que ce n'étoit plus son ancien et terrible adversaire."
She passes a magnificent encomium on the military genius and exalted character of our Wellington; but says he could not have conquered as he did, if the French had been led by one who could rally round him the affections of the people as well as he could direct their soldiers. She maintains, that after the
battle, when Bonaparte returned to Paris, he | fuse a respectable office, with a salary of had not the least idea of being called upon again to abdicate; but expected to obtain from the two chambers the means of renewing or continuing the contest. When he found that this was impossible, he sunk at once into despair, and resigned himself without a struggle. The selfishness which had guided his whole career, disclosed itself in naked deformity in the last acts of his public life. He abandoned hisarmy the moment he found that he could not lead it immediately against the enemy-and no sooner saw his own fate determined, than he gave up all concern for that of the unhappy country which his ambition had involved in such disasters. He quietly passed by the camp of his warriors on his way to the port by which he was to make his own escape and, by throwing himself into the hands of the English, endeavoured to obtain for himself the benefit of those liberal principles which it had been the business of his life to extirpate and discredit all over the world.
8000 louis, would certainly be considered as fit for Bedlam: And in another place she observes, that it seems to be a fundamental maxim in that country, that every man must have a place. We confess that we have some difficulty in reconciling these incidental intimations with her leading position, that the great majority of the French nation is desirous of a free constitution, and perfectly fit for and deserving of it. If these be the principles, not only upon which they act, but which they and their advocates avow, we know no constitution under which they can be free; and have no faith in the power of any new institutions to counteract that spirit of corruption by which, even where they have existed the longest, their whole virtue is consumed.
With our manners in society she is not quite so well pleased;-though she is kind enough to ascribe our deficiencies to the most honourable causes. In commiserating the comparative dulness of our social talk, however, has not this philosophic observer a little overlooked the effects of national tastes and habits-and is it not conceivable, at least, that we who are used to it may really have as much satisfaction in our own hum-drum way of seeing each other, as our more sprightly neighbours in their exquisite assemblies? In all this part of the work, too, we think we can perceive the traces rather of ingenious theory, than of correct observation; and suspect that a good part of the tableau of English society is rather a sort of conjectural sketch, than a copy from real life; or at least that it is a generalization from a very few, and not very common examples. May we be pardoned too for hinting, that a person of Madame de Staël's great talents and celebrity, is by no means well qualified for discovering the true tone and character of English society from her own observation; both because she was not likely to see it in those smaller and more familiar assemblages in which it is seen to the most advantage, and because her presence must have had the unlucky effect of imposing silence on the modest, and tempting the vain and ambitious to unnatural display and ostentation.
With all its faults, however, the portion of her book which we have been obliged to pass over in silence, is well worthy of as ample a notice as we have bestowed on the other
At this point Madame de Staël terminates somewhat abruptly her historical review of the events of the Revolution; and here, our readers will be happy to learn, we must stop too. There is half a volume more of her work, indeed,―and one that cannot be supposed the least interesting to us, as it treats chiefly of the history, constitution, and society of England. But it is for this very reason that we cannot trust ourselves with the examination of it. We have every reason certainly to be satisfied with the account she gives of us; nor can any thing be more eloquent and animating than the view she has presented of the admirable mechanism and steady working of our constitution, and of its ennobling effects on the character of all who live under it. We are willing to believe all this too to be just; though we are certainly painted en beau. In some parts, however, we are more shocked at the notions she gives us of the French character, than flattered at the contrast exhibited by our own. In mentioning the good reception that gentlemen in opposition to government sometimes meet with in society, among us, and the upright posture they contrive to maintain, she says, that nobody here would think of condoling with a man for being out of power, or of receiving him with less cordiality. She notices also, with a very alarming sort of admiration, that she understood, when in Eng-parts of it, and would of itself be sufficient to land, that a gentleman of the law had actually justify us in ascribing to its lamented author refused a situation worth 6000l. or 7000l. a that perfection of masculine understanding, year, merely because he did not approve of and female grace and acuteness, which are the ministry by whom it was offered; and so rarely to be met with apart, and never, we adds, that in France any man who would re- believe, were before united.
Mémoires de MADAME LA MARQUISE DE LAROCHEJAQUELEIN; avec deux Cartes du Théatre de la Guerre de La Vendée. 2 tomes, 8vo. pp. 500. Paris: 1815.
THIS is a book to be placed by the side of Mrs. Hutchinson's delightful Memoirs of her heroic husband and his chivalrous Independents. Both are pictures, by a female hand, of tumultuary and almost private wars, carried on by conscientious individuals against the actual government of their country:-and both bring to light, not only innumerable traits of the most romantic daring and devoted fidelity in particular persons, but a general character of domestic virtue and social gentleness among those who would otherwise lead to the most animating results. In the have figured to our imaginations as adventur- unconcerted proceedings of an insurgent popuous desperadoes or ferocious bigots. There lation, all is experiment, and all is passion. is less talent, perhaps, and less loftiness, The heroic daring of a simple peasant lifts either of style or of character, in the French him at once.to the rank of a leader; and kinthan the English heroine. Yet she also has dles a general enthusiasm to which all things done and suffered enough to entitle her to become possible. Generous and gentle feelthat appellation; and, while her narrative ings are speedily generated by this raised acquires an additional interest and a truer state of mind and of destination; and the pertone of nature, from the occasional recurrence petual intermixture of domestic cares and of female fears and anxieties, it is conversant rustic occupations, with the exploits of troops with still more extraordinary incidents and serving without pay, and utterly unprovided characters, and reveals still more of what had with magazines, produces a contrast which been previously malignantly misrepresented, enhances the effects of both parts of the deor entirely unknown. scription, and gives an air of moral picturesqueness to the scene, which is both pathetic and delightful. It becomes much more attractive also, in this representation, by the singu lar candour and moderation-not the most usual virtue of belligerent females-with which Madame de L. has told the story of her friends and her enemies the liberality with which she has praised the instances of heroism or compassion which occur in the conduct of the republicans, and the simplicity with which she confesses the jealousies and excesses which sometimes disgraced the insurgents. There is not only no royalist or antirevolutionary rant in these volumes, but scarcely any of the bitterness or exaggeration of a party to civil dissensions; and it is rather wonderful that an actor and a sufferer in the most cruel and outrageous warfare by which modern times have been disgraced, should have set an example of temperance and impartiality which its remote spectators have found it so difficult to follow. The truth is, we believe, that those who have had most occasion to see the mutual madness of contending factions, and to be aware of the traits of individual generosity by which the worst cause is occasionally redeemed, and of brutal outrage by which the best is sometimes debased, are both more indulgent to human nature, and more distrustful of its immaculate
extraordinary incidents, unexpected turns of fortune, and striking displays of individual talent, and vice and virtue, than the more solemn movements of national hostility; where every thing is in a great measure provided and foreseen, and where the inflexible subordination of rank, and the severe exactions of a limited duty, not only take away the inducement, but the opportunity, for those exaltations of personal feeling and adventure which produce the most lively interest, and
Our readers will understand, from the titlepage which we have transcribed, that the work relates to the unhappy and sanguinary wars which were waged against the insurgents in La Vendée during the first and maddest years of the French Republic: But it is proper for us to add, that it is confined almost entirely to the transactions of two years; and that the detailed narrative ends with the dissolution of the first Vendean army, before the proper formation of the Chouan force in Brittany, or the second insurrection of Poitou; though there are some brief and imperfect notices of these, and subsequent occurrences. The details also extend only to the proceedings of the Royalist or Insurgent party, to which the author belonged; and do not affect to embrace any general history of the war.
This hard-fated woman was very young, and newly married, when she was thrown, by the adverse circumstances of the time, into the very heart of those deplorable contests; and, without pretending to any other information than she could draw from her own experience, and scarcely presuming to pass any judgment upon the merits or demerits of the cause, she has made up her book of a clear and dramatic description of acts in which she was a sharer, or scenes of which she was an eyewitness,-and of the characters and histories of the many distin-purity, than the fine declaimers who aggra guished individuals who partook with her of vate all that is bad on the side to which they their glories or sufferings. The irregular and are opposed, and refuse to admit its existence undisciplined wars which it is her business in that to which they belong. The general to describe, are naturally far more prolific of of an adverse army has always more tolera