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manner. Following him into the farm, we soon
"In Paris, I have frequently met him in company with ladies, and have been as often astonished at the politeness, the gallantry, and sprightliness of his behaviour. In a word, the most accomplished, the most refined petit-maître of Paris, could not have been more amusing, from the liveliness of his chat, nor could have been more inexhaustible in that sort of discourse which is best suited to women, than this venerable philosopher of seventy years old. But at this we shall not be surprised, when we reflect, that the profound author of L'Esprit des Loix was also author of the Persian Letters, and of the truly gallant Temple de Gnide."—p. 36.
The following opinion, from such a quarter, might have been expected to have produced more effect than it seems to have done, on so warm an admirer as Lord Charlemont :
"In the course of our conversations, Ireland, and its interests, have often been the topic; and, upon these occasions, I have always found him an advocate for an incorporating Union between that coun
and England. Were I an Irishman,' said he, I should certainly wish for it; and, as a general lover of liberty, I sincerely desire it; and for this plain reason, that an inferior country, connected with one much her superior in force, can never be certain of the permanent enjoyment of constitutional freedom, unless she has, by her representatives, a proportional share in the legislature of the superior kingdom.'"-Ibid.
Of Lord Charlemont's English friends and associates, none is represented, perhaps, in more lively and pleasing colours than Topham Beauclerk; to the graces of whose conversation even the fastidious Dr. Johnson has borne such powerful testimony. Lord Charlemont, and, indeed, all who have occasion to speak of him, represent him as more accomplished and agreeable in society, than any man of his age of exquisite taste, perfect good-breeding, and unblemished integrity and honour. Undisturbed, too, by ambition, or political animosities, and at his ease with regard to fortune, he might appear to be placed at the very summit of human felicity, and to exemplify that fortunate lot to which common destinies afford such various exceptions.
But there is no such lot. This happy man, so universally acceptable, and with such resources in himself, was devoured by ennui! and probably envied, with good reason, the condition of one half of those laborious and discontented beings who looked up to him with envy and admiration. He was querulous, Lord Charlemont assures us indifferent, and internally contemptuous to the greater part of the world; and, like so many other accomplished persons, upon whom the want of employment has imposed the heavy task of selfoccupation, he passed his life in a languid and unsatisfactory manner; absorbed sometimes. in play, and sometimes in study; and
seeking, in vain, the wholesome exercise of a strong mind, in desultory reading or contemptible dissipation. His Letters, however, are delightful; and we are extremely obliged to Mr. Hardy, for having favoured us with so many of them. It is so seldom that the pure, conversation, can be found in a printed book. animated, and unrestrained language of polite that we cannot resist the temptation of transcribing a considerable part of the specimens before us; which, while they exemplify, in the happiest manner, the perfect style of a gentleman, serve to illustrate, for more reflecting readers, the various sacrifices that are generally required for the formation of the envied character to which that style belongs. A very interesting essay might be written on the unhappiness of those from whom nature and fortune seem to have removed all the that no better assortment of proofs and illuscauses of unhappiness:-and we are sure than some of the following passages. trations could be annexed to such an essay,
"I have been but once at the club since you left England; where we were entertained, as usual, by Dr. Goldsmith's absurdity. Mr. V. can give you picture over again; so you may set your heart at an account of it. Sir Joshua intends painting your rest for some time: it is true, it will last so much for it. Elmsly gave me a commission from you the longer; but then you may wait these ten years about Mr. Walpole's frames for prints, which is perfectly unintelligible: I wish you would explain it, and it shall be punctually executed. The Duke of Northumberland has promised me a pair of his new pheasants for you; but you must wait till all the crowned heads in Europe have been served first. I have been at the review at Portsmouth. If you had seen it, you would have owned, that it is a pleasant thing to be a King. It is true, -made job of the claret to who furnished the first Charles Fox said, that Lord S-wich should have tables with vinegar, under that denomination. been impeached! What an abominable world do we live in! that there should not be above half a dozen honest men in the world, and that one of be shocked at the small portion of honesty that I those should live in Ireland. You will, perhaps, allot to your country: but a sixth part is as much the contrary, the other five may be in Ireland too; as comes to its share; and, for any thing I know to for I am sure I do not know where else to find them.
"I am rejoiced to find by your letter than Lady C. is as you wish. I have yet remaining so much may be a son of your's, educated by you, as a specibenevolence towards mankind, as to wish that there men of what mankind ought to be. Goldsmith, the other day, put a paragraph into the newspapers, in praise of Lord Mayor Townshend. The same night Drury Lane. I mentioned the circumstance of we happened to sit next to Lord Shelburne, at he hoped that he had mentioned nothing about the paragraph to him. He said to Goldsmith, that Malagrida in it. Do you know,' answered Goldsmith, that I never could conceive the reason why they call you Malagrida; for Malagrida was a very good sort of man.' You see plainly what he meant liar to himself. Mr. Walpole says, that this story to say; but that happy turn of expression is pecuis a picture of Goldsmith's whole life. Johnson has been confined for some weeks in the Isle of Skye. We hear that he was obliged to swim over to the main land, taking hold of a cow's tail. Be that as it may, Lady Di. has promised to make a decay; unless you come and relieve it, it will cer drawing of it. Our poor club is in a miserable tainly expire. Would you imagine, that Sir Joshna
Reynolds is extremely anxious to be a member of | Rockingham, upon the warm recommendation of Almack's? You see what noble ambition will many friends, had appointed Burke his secretary, make a man attempt. That den is not yet opened, the Duke of Newcastle informed him, that he had consequently I have not been there; so, for the unwarily taken into his service a man of dangerous present, I am clear upon that score. your confounded Irish politics take up your whole a papist and a jacobite; a calumny founded upon I suppose principles, and one who was by birth and education attention at present; but we cannot do without Burke's Irish connections, which were most of -you. If you do not come here, I will bring all the them of that persuasion, and upon some juvenile club over to Ireland, to live with you, and that will follies arising from those connections. The Mardrive you here in your own defence. Johnson shall quis, whose genuine Whiggism was easily alarmed, spoil your books, Goldsmith pull your flowers, and immediately sent for Burke, and told him what he Boswell talk to you. Stay then if you can. Adieu, had heard. It was easy for Burke, who had been my dear Lord."-pp. 176, 177, 178. monies to his protestantism; and with regard to the educated at the university at Dublin, to bring testisecond accusation, which was wholly founded on the former, it was soon done away; and Lord Rockingham, readily and willingly disabused, declared that he was perfectly satisfied of the falsehood of the information he had received, and that he no longer harboured the smallest doubt of the
I saw a letter from Foote, the other day, with an account of an Irish tragedy. The subject is Manlius; and the last speech which he makes, when he is pushed off from the Tarpeian Rock, is, Sweet Jesus, where am I going?" Pray send me word if this is true. We have a new comedy here, which is good for nothing. Bad as it is, however, it succeeds very well, and has almost killed Gold-integrity of his principles; when Burke, with an smith with envy. I have no news, either literary honest and disinterested boldness, told his Lordship or political, to send you. Every body, except my-that it was now no longer possible for him to be his self, and about a million of vulgars, are in the secretary; that the reports he had heard would country. I am closely confined, as Lady Di. expects probably, even unknown to himself, create in his to be so every hour."-p. 178. roughly confiding in him; and that no earthly conmind such suspicions, as might prevent his thosideration should induce him to stand in that relation with a man who did not place entire confidence in him. The Marquis, struck with this manliness of sentiment, which so exactly corresponded with the feelings of his own heart, frankly and positively assured him, that what had passed, far from leaving any bad impression on his mind, had only served other reason, to fortify his good opinion; and that, if from no conduct upon that occasion alone, he should ever he might rest assured, that from his fidential trust-a promise which he faithfully peresteem, and place in him the most unreserved conearly habits and connections, though they could formed. It must, however, be confessed, that his never make him swerve from his duty, had given his mind an almost constitutional bent towards the popish party. Prudence is, indeed, the only virtue he does not possess; from a total want of which, and from the amiable weaknesses of an excellent heart, his estimation in England, though still great, is certainly diminished."-pp. 343, 344.
Why should you be vexed to find that mankind are fools and knaves? I have known it so long, that every fresh instance of it amuses me, provided it does not immediately affect my friends or myself. Politicians do not seem to me to be much greater rogues than other people; and as their actions affect, in general, private persons less than other kinds of villany do, I cannot find that I am so angry with them. It is true, that the leading men in both countries at present, are, I believe, the most corrupt, abandoned people in the nation. But now that I am upon this worthy subject of human nature, I will inform you of a few particulars relating to the discovery of Otaheite."-p. 180.
"There is another curiosity here,-Mr. Bruce. His drawings are the most beautiful things you ever saw, and his adventures more wonderful than those of Sinbad the sailor-and, perhaps, nearly as true. I am much more afflicted with the account you send me of your health, than I am at the corruption of your ministers. I always hated politics; and I now hate them ten times worse; as I have reason to think that they contribute towards your ill health. You do me great justice in thinking, that whatever concerns you, must interest me; but as I wish you most sincerely to be perfectly happy, I cannot bear to think that the villanous proceedings of others should make you miserable: for, in that case, undoubtedly you will never be happy. Charles Fox is a member at the Turk's Head; but not till he was a patriot; and you know, if one repents, &c. There is nothing new, but Goldsmith's Retaliation, which you certainly have seen. Pray tell Lady Charlemont, from me, that I desire she may keep you from politics, as they do children from sweet-tended with circumstances so distressing, so far meats, that make them sick."-pp. 181, 182.
though slight, may be here added. Burke's disunion, and final rupture with Mr. Fox, were at"Thus far Lord Charlemont. Something,
that the mind really aches at the recollection of surpassing the ordinary limits of political hostility, them. But let us view him, for an instant, in better scenes, and better hours. He was social, hospitmunicative. able, of pleasing access, and most agreeably comperhaps, that I ever passed in my life, was going One of the most satisfactory days, with him, tête-à-tête, from London to Beconsfield. feeding; and, happening to meet some gentlemen, He stopped at Uxbridge, whilst his horses were perfect strangers to him, he entered into discourse of I know not what militia, who appeared to be with them at the gateway of the inn. His conversation, at that moment, completely exemplified what Johnson said of him-That you could not saying that he was an extraordinary man.' He meet Burke for half an hour under a shed, without tive and agreeable. Every object of the slightest was, on that day, altogether, uncommonly instruc. notoriety, as we passed along, whether of natural or local history, furnished him with abundant ma3 I
We look upon these extracts as very interesting and valuable; but they have turned out to be so long, that we must cut short this branch of the history. We must add, however, a part of Lord Charlemont's account of Mr Burke, with whom he lived in habits of the closest intimacy, and continual correspondence, till his extraordinary breach with his former political associates in 1792. Mr. Hardy does not exactly know at what period the following paper, which was found in Lord Charlemont's handwriting, was written.
This most amiable and ingenious man was private secretary to Lord Rockingham. It may not be superfluous to relate the following anecdote, the truth of which I can assert, and which does honour to him and his truly noble patron. Soon after Lord 88
so much in the back ground, that we think it We have hitherto kept Mr. Hardy himself is but fair to lay before the reader the sequel which he has furnished to the preceding notice of Lord Charlemont. The passage is perfectly characteristic of the ordinary colloquial style of the book, and of the temper of the author.
in this crisis. The volunteers were irresistible, while they asked only for their country what all the world saw she was entitled to: But they became impotent the moment they demanded more. They were deserted, at that moment, by all the talent and the respectability which had given them, for a time, the absolute dominion of the country. The concession of their just rights operated like a talisman in separating the patriotic from the factious: And when the latter afterwards attempted to invade the lofty regions of legiti mate government, they were smitten with instantaneous discord and confusion, and speedly dispersed and annihilated from the face of the land. These events are big with instruction to the times that have come after; and read an impressive lesson to those who have now to deal with discontents and conventions in the same country.
But if it be certain that the salvation of Ireland was then owing to the mild, liberal, and enlightened councils of the Rockingham administration as a body, it is delightful to see, in some of the private letters which Mr. Hardy has printed in the volume before us, how cor
terials for conversation. The House at Uxbridge, where the treaty was held during Charles the First's time; the beautiful and undulating grounds of Bulstrode, formerly the residence of Chancellor Jeffe ries; and Waller's tomb in Beconsfield church. yard, which, before we went home, we visited, and whose character, as a gentleman, a poet, and an orator, he shortly delineated, but with exquisite felicity of genius, altogether gave an uncommon interest to his eloquence; and, although one-andtwenty years have now passed since that day, tain the most vivid and pleasing recollection of it. He reviewed the characters of many statesmen.Lord Bath's, whom, I think, he personally knew, and that of Sir Robert Walpole, which he pourtrayed in nearly the same words which he used with regard to that eminent man, in his appeal from the Old Whigs to the New. He talked much of the great Lord Chatham; and, amidst a variety particulars concerning him and his family, stated, that his sister, Mrs. Anne Pitt, used often, in her altercations with him, to say, That he knew nothing whatever except Spenser's Fairy Queen.' 'And, continued Mr. Burke, no matter how that was said; but whoever relishes, and reads Spenser as he ought to be read, will have a strong hold of the English language.' These were his exact words. Of Mrs. Anne Pitt he said, that she had the most agreeable and uncommon talents, and was, beyond all comparison, the most perfectly eloquent person he ever heard speak. He always, as he said, lamented that he did not put on paper a conversa-dially the sentiments professed by this mintion he had once with her; on what subject I forget. istry were adopted by the eminent men who The richness, variety, and solidity of her discourse, presided over its formation. There are letters absolutely astonished him.* to Lord Charlemont, both from Lord Rocking ham himself, and from Mr. Fox, which would Certainly no nation ever obtained such a almost reconcile one to a belief in the possideliverance by such an instrument, and hurt bility of ministerial fairness and sincerity. itself so little by the use of it; and, if the We should like to give the whole of them Irish Revolution of 1782 shows, that power here; but as our limits will not admit of that, and intimidation may be lawfully employed we must content ourselves with some extracts to enforce rights which have been refused to from Mr. Fox's first letter after the new minsupplication and reason, it shows also the ex-istry was formed, for the tone and style of treme danger of this method of redress, and which, we fear, few precedents have been the necessity there is for resorting to every left in the office of the Secretary of State. precaution in those cases where it has become indispensable. Ireland was now saved from all the horrors of a civil war, only by two circumstances; the first, that the great military force which accomplished the redress of her grievances, had not been originally raised or organised with any view to such an interference; and was chiefly guided, therefore, by men of loyal and moderate characters, who had taken up arms for no other purpose but the defence of their country against foreign invasion:-The other, that the just and reasonable demands to which these leaders ultimately limited their pretensions, were addressed to a liberal and enlightened administration, -too just to withhold, when in power, what they had laboured to procure when in opposition, and too magnanimous to dread the effect of conceding, even to armed petitioners, what was clearly and indisputably their due.
It was the moderation of their first demands, and the generous frankness with which they were so promptly granted, that saved Ireland
I here omit the long abstract which originally followed, of the Irish parliament and public history, from 1750 to the period of the Union, together with all the details of the great Volunteer Association in 1780, and its fortunate dissolution in 1782-to which remarkable event the paragraph which now follows in the text refers.
"My dear Lord,-If I had had occasion to write to you a month ago, I should have written with great confidence that you would believe me perfectly sincere, and would receive any thing that came from one who acted upon the same political principles. I me with the partiality of an old acquaintance, and hope you will now consider me in the same light; but I own I write with much more diffidence, as I a much more sure of your kindness to me personally, than of your inclination to listen with faState. The principal business of this letter is to vour to any thing that comes from a Secretary of inform you, that the Duke of Portland is appointed Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, and Colonel Fitzpatrick his secretary; and, when I have said this, I need not add, that I feel myself, on every private as well success of their administration. That their persons as public account, most peculiarly interested in the and characters are not disagreeable to your Lordship, I may venture to assure myself, without being too sanguíne; and I think myself equally certain, that there are not in the world two men whose general way of thinking upon political subjects is therefore, too much to desire and hope, that you more exactly consonant to your own. It is not, will at least look upon the administration of such men with rather a more favourable eye, and incline to trust them rather more than you could do most of those who have been their predecessors.""The particular time of year at which this change happens, is productive of many great inconveniences, especially as it will be very difficult for the Duke of Portland to be at Dublin before your Parliament meets; but I cannot help hoping that all reasonable men will concur in removing some of these diffi
culties, and that a short adjournment will not be denied, if asked. I do not throw out this as knowing from any authority that it will be proposed, but as an idea that suggests itself to me; and in order to show that I wish to talk with you, and consult with you in the same frank manner in which I should have done before I was in this situation, so very new to me. I have been used to think ill of all the ministers whom I did know, and to suspect those whom I did not, that when I am obliged to call myself a minister, I feel as if I put myself into a very suspicious character; but I do assure you I am the very same man, in all respects, that I was when you knew me, and honoured me with some share in your esteem-that I maintain the same opinions, and act with the same people.
"Pray make my best compliments to Mr. Grattan, and tell him, that the Duke of Portland and Fitzpatrick are thoroughly impressed with the importance of his approba ion, and will do all they can to deserve it. I do most sincerely hope, that he may hit upon some line that may be drawn honour-long ably and advantageously for both countries; and that, when that is done, he will show the world that there may be a government in Ireland, of which he is not ashamed to make a part. That country can never prosper, where, what should be the ambition of men of honour, is considered as a disgrace." pp. 217-219.
The following letter from Mr. Burke in the end of 1789, will be read with more interest, when it is recollected that he published his celebrated Reflections on the French Revolution, but a few months after.
readers one or two specimens of his gift of drawing characters; in the exercise of which he generally rises to a sort of quaint and brilliant conciseness, and displays a degree of acuteness and fine observation that are not to be found in the other parts of his writing. His greatest fault is, that he does not abuse any body,-even where the dignity of history, and of virtue, call loudly for such an infliction. Yet there is something in the tone of all his thing worse than extreme good nature at the delineations, that satisfies us that there is nobottom of his forbearance. Of Philip Tisdal, mont first came into Parliament, he says:who was Attorney-general when Lord Charle
We should now take our leave of Mr. Hardy; and yet it would not be fair to dismiss him from the scene entirely, without giving our
standing; an understanding matured by years—by 'He had an admirable and most superior underexperience-by habits with the best company with the State. To this strength of intellect was added a constitutional philosophy, or apathy, which from his youth-with the bar, with Parliament, and things so clearly; he understood so well the never suffered him to be carried away by attachment to any party, even his own. He saw men whole farce and fallacy of life, that it passed before the close of his days, he went through the world him like a scenic representation; and, till almost gravity of feature. His countenance was never gay, and his mind was never gloomy. He was an able with a constant sunshine of soul, and an inexorable speaker, as well at the bar as in the House of Commons, though his diction was very indifferent. He liamentary coadjutors, though he knew the whole of the subject much better than they did. He was did not speak so much at length as many of his parnot only a good speaker in Parliament, but an excellent manager of the House of Commons. He what he did not say; for Government was never committed by him. He plunged into no difficulty; never said too much: and he had great merit in one."-pp. 78, 79. nor did he ever suffer his antagonist to escape from
My dearest Lord, I think your Lordship has acted with your usual zeal and judgment in establishing a Whig club in Dublin. These meetings prevent the evaporation of principle in individuals, and give them joint force, and enliven their exertions by emulation. You see the matter in its true light; and with your usual discernment. Party is absolutely necessary at this time. I thought ways so in this country, ever since I have had any al. thing to do in public business; and I rather fear, that there is not virtue enough in this period to support party, than that party should become necessary, on account of the want of virtue to support itself by individual exertions. As to us here, our thoughts of every thing at home are suspended by our astonishment at the wonderful spectacle which is exhibited in a neighbouring and rival country. What spectators, and what actors! England gazing with astonishment at a French struggle for liberty, and not knowing whether to blame, or to applaud. The thing, indeed, though I thought I saw something like it in progress for several years, has still somewhat in it paradoxical and mysterious. The spirit it is impossible not to admire; but the old Parisian ferocity has broken out in a shocking manner. is true, that this may be no more than a sudden explosion; if so, no indication can be taken from it; but if it should be character, rather than accident, then that people are not fit for liberty and must have a strong hand, like that of their former masters, to coerce them. Men must have a certain fund of natural moderation to qualify them for free-up in armed men,' the applause which followed, dom; else it becomes noxious to themselves, and a and the glow of enthusiasm which he kindled in perfect nuisance to every body else. What will be every mind, far exceed my powers of description." the event, it is hard, I think, still to say. To form-pp. 140, 141.
a solid constitution, requires wisdom as well as spirit; and whether the French have wise heads among them, or, if they possess such, whether they have authority equal to their wisdom, is yet to be seen. In the mean time, the progreas of this whole affair is one of the most curious matters of speculation that ever was exhibited."-pp. 321, 322.
Baron, he observes:-
this world in eloquence as in all things soon passes "To those who never heard him, as the fashion of idea of his style of speaking. It was sustained by great ingenuity, great rapidity of intellect, luminous away, it may be no easy matter to convey a just and piercing satire; in refinement abundant, in simplicity sterile. The classical allusions of this orator, for he was most truly one, were so apposite, they followed each other in such bright and varied succession, and, at times, spread such an unexpected and triumphant blaze around his subject, that all persons who were in the least tinged with literawhen in the splendid days of the Volunteer Assoture, could never be tired of listening to him; and ciation, alluding to some coercive English laws, and to that institution, then in its proudest array, he said, in the House of Commons, That such laws were sown like dragons' teeth, and sprung
lowing characteristic anecdotes.
which was succeeded by such inflexible taciturnity
mont, in relation to that parliamentary grant by which an honour was conferred on an individual patriot, without place or official situa tion of any kind, and merely for his persona! merits and exertions, which has in other cases been held to be the particular and appropriate reward of triumphant generals aud command
those who are only used to the carelessness of modern debating, can scarcely form any idea. Lord Charlemont, who had been long and intimately acquainted with him, previous to his coming to Ireland, often mentioned that he was the only speaker, among the many he had heard, of whom he could say, with certainty, that all his speeches, however long, were written and got by heart. A gentleman, well known to his Lordship and Hamilton. assured !ers. When the mild and equable temperahim, that he heard Hamilton repeat, no less than ment of Lord Charlemont's mind is recol three times, an oration, which he afterwards spoke in the House of Commons, and which lasted almost lected, as well as the caution with which all three hours. As a debater, therefore, he became his opinions were expressed, we do not know as useless to his political patrons as Addison was to that a wise ambition would wish for a prouder Lord Sunderland; and, if possible, he was more or more honourable testimony than is conscrupulous in composition than even that eminent tained in the following short sentences. man. Addison would stop the press to correct the most trivial error in a large publication; and Ham. ilton, as I can assert on indubitable authority, would recall the footman, if, on recollection, any word, in his opinion, was misplaced or improper, in the slightest note to a familiar acquaintance.' pp. 60, 61. No name is mentioned in these pages with higher or more uniform applause, than that of Henry Grattan. But that distinguished person still lives: and Mr. Hardy's delicacy has prevented him from attempting any delineation, either of his character or his eloquence. We respect his forbearance, and shall follow his example:-Yet we cannot deny ourselves the gratification of extracting one sentence from a letter of Lord Charle
"Respecting the grant, I know with certainty that Grattan, though he felt himself flattered by the intention, looked upon the act with the deepest concern, and did all in his power to deprecate r. As it was found impossible to defeat the design, al. his friends, and I among others, were employed ta lessen the sum. It was accordingly decreased by one half, and that principally by his positive declsration, through us, that, if the whole were insisted on, he would refuse all but a few hundreds, which
he would retain as an honourable mark of the goodness of his country. By some, who look only inte themselves for information concerning human ne ture, this conduct will probably be construed into hypocrisy. To such, the excellence and pre-eminency of virtue, and the character of Grattan, are as invisible and incomprehensibe, as the brightness of the sun to a man born blind."-p. 237.
An Inquiry whether Crime and Misery are produced or prevented by our present System of Prison Discipline. Illustrated by Descriptions of the Borough Compter, Tothill Fields Prison, the Jail at St. Albans, the Jail at Guildford, the Jail at Bristol, the Jails at Bury and Ilchester, the Maison de Force at Ghent, the Philadelphia Prison, the Penitentiary at Millbank, and the Proceedings of the Ladies' Committee at Newgate. By THOMAS FOWELL BUXTON. 8vo. p. 171. London: 1818.
THERE are two classes of subjects which naturally engage the attention of public men, and divide the interest which society takes in their proceedings. The one may, in a wide sense, be called Party Politics-the other Civil or Domestic Administration. To the former belong all questions touching political rights and franchises-the principles of the Constitution-the fitness or unfitness of ministers, and the interest and honour of the country, as it may be affected by its conduct and relations to foreign powers, either in peace or war. The latter comprehends most of the branches of political economy and statistics, and all the ordinary legislation of internal police and regulation; and, besides the two great heads of Trade and Taxation, embraces the improvements of the civil Code-the care of the Poor-the interests of Education, Religion, and Morality-and the protection of Prisoners, Lunatics, and others who cannot claim protection for themselves. This distinction, we confess, is but coarsely drawn -since every one of the things we have last enumerated may, in certain circumstances, be made an occasion of party contention.
But what we mean is, that they are not its natural occasions, and do not belong to those topics, or refer to those principles, in relation to which the great Parties of a free country necessarily arise. One great part of a statesman's business may thus be considered as Polemic and another as Deliberative; his main object in the first being to discomfit and expose his opponents-and, in the second, to discover the best means of carrying into effect ends which all agree to be desirable.
Judging à priori of the relative importance or agreeableness of these two occupations, we should certainly be apt to think that the latter was by far the most attractive and comfortable in itself, as well as the most likely to be popular with the community. The fact, however, happens to be otherwise: For such is the excitement of a public contest for inficence and power, and so great the prize to be won in those honourable lists, that the highest talents are all put in requisition for that department, and all their force and splendour reserved for the struggle: And indeed, whea we consider that the object of this struggle is nothing less than to put the whole power of